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Archive for October, 2004

LOS ALAMOS CAVEMAN CAUGHT

Sunday, October 31st, 2004

caveman.jpgFrom the truly weird files…

Authorities have evicted a man from a cave on Los Alamos National Laboratory land where they say he appar­ently lived for years with the com­forts of home a wood-​​burning stove, solar pan­els con­nected to car bat­ter­ies for elec­tric­ity and a satel­lite radio.
Los Alamos Deputy Fire Chief Doug Tucker said Roy Michael Moore’s hide­away, which also was equipped with a bed and a glass front door, was dis­cov­ered ear­lier Oct. 13 after a Department of Energy employee work­ing at the Los Alamos site office noticed smoke waft­ing from the cave in a heav­ily wooded, steep canyon.
The employee reported the smoke to the fire depart­ment. Tucker said the smoke came from Moore’s wood-​​burning stove.
Ten mar­i­juana plants were found out­side the cave. Moore, 56, has been charged with pos­ses­sion of a con­trolled sub­stance and pos­ses­sion of drug para­pher­na­lia, accord­ing to court doc­u­ments. He pleaded not guilty and was released on bond.

Wired News notes that “a Lab spokesman, who said the camp was about 50 yards from his office door, insisted Moore was not a ‘secu­rity threat.’”

MILITARY PRINT-​​CHECKS DUSTED

Wednesday, October 27th, 2004

Problems in search­ing fin­ger­print data­bases have left the American mil­i­tary unable to check fully the iden­ti­ties of thou­sands of detainees in Iraq and Afghanistan, rais­ing con­cerns that they might be releas­ing sus­pects pre­ma­turely, accord­ing to Pentagon offi­cials and doc­u­ments,” the Times reports.

The Defense Department, in the field, has used a mobile sys­tem that records fin­ger­prints of sus­pects, but it can­not always search for a match in other gov­ern­ment data­bases.
In a mem­o­ran­dum last February, the Pentagon said the fin­ger­print­ing “prob­lem must be rec­ti­fied as soon as pos­si­ble” to fight ter­ror­ism more effec­tively. It required that all new elec­tronic fin­ger­print­ing sys­tems com­ply with accepted stan­dards.
The sit­u­a­tion has improved since then, said John D. Woodward Jr., the direc­tor of the Defense Department’s Biometrics Management Office. But he added, “We still need to improve…“
Mr. Woodward, cit­ing “national secu­rity con­cerns,” declined to say how many prints had gone unprocessed as a result. Another offi­cial, who asked not to be iden­ti­fied because of the sen­si­tive nature of the infor­ma­tion, said it exceeded 16,000 at the time of the memorandum.

BROADWAY’S SECRET TRAIN

Wednesday, October 27th, 2004

fig5-8.jpgThere are a zil­lion rea­sons why New York is the City with a big “C,” and every­one else lives in the land of the low­er­case. But right up there at the top of the list is our sprawl­ing sub­way, the cen­tral ner­vous sys­tem of this town. And it turns 100 today.
Like every grand project, there are lots of sto­ries behind its build­ing. But my favorite has to be the one about the secret train which ran under Broadway.
Back in the 1860’s, New York had become beyond over­crowded, qua­dru­pling its pop­u­la­tion in just 40 years. Something had to be done to ease the city’s traf­fic woes. But Boss Tweed, the City’s unchal­lenged ruler at the time, had his hand in the trol­ley busi­ness, and wouldn’t let alter­na­tives flower.
So Alfred Beach the edi­tor and co-​​owner of Scientific American decided to build a sub­way in secret. He had a license to build a mail deliv­ery sys­tem under Broadway using pneu­mat­ics, or compressed-​​air. But Beach expanded those tubes many times over, so they could carry peo­ple in air-​​powered trains.
The idea was to make an under­ground rail­way so grand, that even Tweed could not resist the pub­lic pres­sure for it. And the scheme almost worked. Unveiled in 1870, Beach’s sub­way was, by all accounts, a smooth, quiet ride. And it was ornate chan­de­liers adorned the ceil­ing of the demon­stra­tion ter­mi­nal. In the mid­dle sat a grand piano.
The press went ga-​​ga over Beach’s rail­way. 400,000 peo­ple paid a quar­ter to make the one-​​block trip in the first year the train was open. New York’s Senate and Assembly passed bills autho­riz­ing Beach to build a Manhattan-​​long pneu­matic sub­way.
But Tweed, as usual, had the last laugh. Governor John Hoffman, his pup­pet, vetoed the sub­way bill. Beach’s dream died that day in Albany. It’d take another thirty years before New York would start digging.

NUKE LIBRARY YANKED

Tuesday, October 26th, 2004

CNN is report­ing that “the Nuclear Regulatory Commission removed its mas­sive pub­lic read­ing room from the Internet Monday after nuclear safety activists and media orga­ni­za­tions found sev­eral doc­u­ments on it con­tain­ing sen­si­tive infor­ma­tion they said could help ter­ror­ists.“

The infor­ma­tion included floor plans for nuclear lab­o­ra­to­ries at sev­eral uni­ver­si­ties, spec­i­fy­ing the types and loca­tions of nuclear mate­ri­als they use.
The NRC said the removal of the online doc­u­ment library is tem­po­rary and that doc­u­ments will be posted again after they are scrubbed of sen­si­tive infor­ma­tion.
Critics said the action was too late — com­ing three weeks after the prob­lem was first pub­li­cized — and too dras­tic, involv­ing the removal of thou­sands of non-​​sensitive documents.

RUMMY’S SLICK SUPPLEMENTAL MOVE

Tuesday, October 26th, 2004

USMC_InterceptorOTV.jpgYou’d think it’d be a top pri­or­ity for the Army, out­fit­ting troops with new body armor, hel­mets, and com­mu­ni­ca­tions gear. But the Pentagon can’t seem to find the cash in its $420 bil­lion bud­get to pay for the equip­ment.
Instead, the Army is rely­ing on a sup­ple­men­tal spend­ing bill — one that’s meant to fund the fight­ing in Afghanistan and Iraq — to cover the costs.
“I always tell peo­ple, thank God for the sup­ple­men­tal. We would not be able to do any­thing with­out them,” Defense News quotes Lt. Gen. Joseph Yakovac, the Armys top uni­formed acqui­si­tion offi­cial, as telling an Association of the United States Army con­fer­ence. “If those dont hap­pen, were in a world of hurt.“
Now, last year, the Pentagon used an $87 bil­lion emer­gency spend­ing mea­sure to buy body armor, among other things. At the time, that made some sense the war had dragged on longer, and was of a dif­fer­ent type, than Rumsfeld & Co. had pre­dicted.
But this year is some­thing dif­fer­ent. When the Pentagon was draft­ing its lat­est bud­get, it knew damn well there was going to be a need to get body armor into the field. So what’s going on here?
This is another case of Rumsfeld refus­ing to make a choice between the military’s cur­rent needs and its future, of try­ing to have it both ways. He needs to get gear to the troops in Iraq. But he doesn’t want to sac­ri­fice any of the military’s big ticket items in order to do it. So he pulls a lit­tle trick on Congress. First, Rumsfeld sends law­mak­ers his main Pentagon bud­get, which has lots of line items for projects like the hulk­ing, $117 bil­lion Future Combat Systems. And then, cry­ing poverty, Rumsfeld asks for body armor money which there’s no chance in hell that Congress will deny.
It’s a very, very slick Washington maneu­ver one you’d be tempted to call a form of black­mail. Because G.I.s is the field are now count­ing on that sup­ple­men­tal to keep them safe, Defense News says.

The sup­ple­men­tal will fund much of the work being done by the Armys two-​​year-​​old Rapid Fielding Initiative (RFI), whose goal is to equip all deploy­ing units and, by 2007, all active and reserve units with 76 items, includ­ing the Advanced Combat Helmet, body armor, desert boots and moisture-​​wicking T-​​shirts. Yakovac said the pro­gram could cost $5 bil­lion.
Were hop­ing on sup­ple­men­tals to do that, he added.
Roughly 150,000 sol­diers will receive the RFI kits by the end of this year, with another 250,000 troops equipped in 2005, said Brig. Gen. James Moran, the Armys sol­dier pro­gram exec­u­tive officer. 

EXPLOSIVE PROBLEMS

Tuesday, October 26th, 2004

NBC now says that the 380 tons of miss­ing Iraqi explo­sives might have van­ished before the U.S. inva­sion. If true, it’s a small com­fort — the bot­tom line is, the insur­gents there now have the stuff, to go along with their giant bankroll, swelling man­power, and seemingly-​​impermeable com­mand struc­ture.
Besides, the NBC story — now being pushed by con­ser­v­a­tive com­men­ta­tors — doesn’t quite hold together, Josh Marshall believes.

On Monday, the Pentagon gave mixed sig­nals about what the first troops on the scene found. Or rather, an offi­cial whom the AP describes as closely involved in the Iraq sur­vey work says the explo­sives were there, while Pentagon spokesman Larry Di Rita says they weren’t.
Di Rita’s claim that the explo­sives were already gone was picked up this evening by NBC news which reported that one of its news crews embed­ded with the 101st Airborne vis­ited the facil­ity on April 10th and found no weapons…
[But] mil­i­tary and non-​​proliferation ana­lysts say that a detach­ment of sol­diers not specif­i­cally trained in weapons inspec­tions work and cer­tainly an NBC news crew sim­ply wouldn’t be in a posi­tion to make such a deter­mi­na­tion. We’re not talk­ing about a stor­age unit with a few boxes in it, but a mas­sive weapons com­plex made up of almost a hun­dred build­ings and bunkers.
Former weapons inspec­tor David Albright was asked about this on CNN Monday evening and he said, “I would want to check it out. I mean it’s a big site. These bunkers are big and it could get lost in that com­plex and it may be that they just didn’t go to the right places and didn’t see it.”

THERE’S MORE: “There wasn’t a search,” says the NBC news pro­ducer with the 101st when it stopped at the weapons dump. “The mis­sion that the brigade had was to get to Baghdad. That was more of a pit stop there for us. And, you know, the search­ing, I mean cer­tainly some of the sol­diers head off on their own, looked through the bunkers just to look at the vast amount of ord­nance lying around. But as far as we could tell, there was no move to secure the weapons, noth­ing to keep loot­ers away. But there was at that point the roads were shut off. So it would have been very dif­fi­cult, I believe, for the loot­ers to get there.”

COFFEE-​​CAN NETWORK GETS READY TO JAM

Monday, October 25th, 2004

wolfpack.jpg“One of the biggest threats in Iraq is [a com­mer­cial walkie-​​talkie] radio,” a defense con­trac­tor tells Aviation Week. “It’s a tiny thing that costs about $100. They’ve got a 10-​​mi. range and oper­ate between 40–50 MHz. That’s what the ter­ror­ists are using. It’s hard to mon­i­tor. They give a guy a radio, put him on top of a hill, and [he and a string of oth­ers] will relay com­mu­ni­ca­tions for hun­dreds of miles.“
So how does the Pentagon plan on fight­ing this $100 threat? With a set of cheap, coffee-​​can-​​sized trans­mit­ters of its own. Except, in this case, cheap means $10,000 a pop. And the lit­tle bug­gers “can lis­ten to enemy radars and com­mu­ni­ca­tions, ana­lyze an opponent’s net­work and move­ment of sys­tems and jam emit­ters or infil­trate enemy com­put­ers with pack­ages of algo­rithms,” accord­ing to the mag­a­zine. An early-​​phase test of the sys­tem, known as “Wolfpack,” is sched­uled for next week.
No one “Wolf” is par­tic­u­larly pow­er­ful. But, col­lec­tively, they can be used to tri­an­gu­late enemy sig­nals — like those walkie-​​talkie con­ver­sa­tions — and mon­i­tor hos­tile net­works. The idea is to “lit­ter the bat­tle­field with these small objects,” Preston Marshall, WolfPack’s pro­gram man­ager at Darpa, explained last year.
He’d like to see the Wolves tough enough to be chucked out of heli­copters, dropped by drones, or places on rooftops by sol­diers. “Once a cylin­der hits the ground, it checks itself out. If every­thing is work­ing prop­erly, the fins will erect and make the device stand up, Marshall said. “An inflat­able antenna goes up and it gen­er­ates a radio sig­nal. They form a net­work. Wolf net­works find other wolf net­works and even­tu­ally find a path back to the com­mand cen­ter.“
one_wolf.jpg“A WolfPack typ­i­cally would have at least five wolves,” Aviation Week adds. “They are designed to be iden­ti­cal, so each of them can take another’s role, includ­ing sub­pack leader, to gather infor­ma­tion, and pack leader to send it into the larger bat­tle­field net­work.“

The sys­tem would come with its own mis­sion plan­ning tool to opti­mize where wolves are placed. And, as long as a wolf can com­mu­ni­cate with any other wolf, it has access to the whole net­work.
The WolfPack net­work is set up to be dynamic and autonomous. The pack will reas­sign respon­si­bil­i­ties as needed, and the net­work may by itself estab­lish sub-​​nets if those would be use­ful in attack­ing a tar­get. Moreover, WolfPack is designed to be smart enough to detect pat­terns in how an adver­sary employs his elec­tronic sys­tems so the key nodes can be jammed, lis­tened to or invaded. The sys­tem is designed to locate emit­ters with enough accu­racy that they can be attacked with a mor­tar or bomb.

THERE’S MORE: “To put it bluntly, the ‘defense con­trac­tor’ [quoted at the begin­ning of the post] is full of crap,” says Defense Tech reader WT.

Every SINCGARS (Single Channel Ground and Airborne Radio System) radio car­ried in the field is capa­ble of inter­cept­ing those trans­mis­sions, and there are intel­li­gence assets that are specif­i­cally designed to inter­cept and jam those trans­mis­sions. In fact, due to the low power of those radios (typ­i­cally 2.5 to 7 watts out­put), they are very sus­cep­ti­ble to jam­ming. The posi­tion­ing of these radios (on top of hills or tall build­ings) makes them more sus­cep­ti­ble to direc­tion find­ing and inter­cep­tion. They are most def­i­nitely *NOT* hard to mon­i­tor. They are in fact lit­tle dif­fer­ent from the Soviet era VHF radios. The only dif­fer­ence is in size and weight, the dif­fer­ence between a back­pack radio and a hand­held. The out­put wattage and fre­quen­cies are the same, as is the mod­u­la­tion.
I sus­pect that this is a case of jus­ti­fy­ing some­thing that might be needed in the future (note the ref­er­ence to infiltrat(ing) enemy com­put­ers) by tying it to the cur­rent con­flict. A neat toy that could be very use­ful, but not some­thing that is needed in Iraq now, or in the near future. Im not say­ing that this isnt some­thing that should be pur­sued, just that the guy doesnt know what he is talk­ing about.

EURO BANKS HELD OFF U.S. INFO BOMBS

Monday, October 25th, 2004

Why didn’t the U.S. go after Iraqi com­puter net­works as hard as they could have dur­ing the Iraq inva­sion? To keep French ATMs safe, an Aviation Week arti­cle hints.

Basic ser­vices such as auto­matic bank­ing machines could [have been] affected. Parts of the European bank­ing sys­tem, for exam­ple, were a con­cern to U.S. offi­cials plan­ning elec­tronic attacks on Iraq. Much of that country’s elec­tronic infra­struc­ture was built by French firms.

Nevertheless, the mag­a­zine says, the Pentagon is work­ing to develop “com­puter net­work attack devices [that] can hijack enemy trans­mis­sions, insert spe­cially designed algo­rithms and then send the altered data stream back into the foe’s network.”

IRAQ EXPLOSIVES CACHE LOOTED

Sunday, October 24th, 2004

The New York Times is report­ing that ” nearly 380 tons of pow­er­ful con­ven­tional explo­sives — used to demol­ish build­ings, pro­duce mis­sile war­heads and det­o­nate nuclear weapons — are miss­ing from one of Iraq’s most sen­si­tive for­mer mil­i­tary instal­la­tions.“

The huge facil­ity, called Al Qaqaa, was sup­posed to be under American mil­i­tary con­trol but is now a no-man’s land, still picked over by loot­ers as recently as Sunday. United Nations weapons inspec­tors had mon­i­tored the explo­sives for many years, but White House and Pentagon offi­cials acknowl­edge that the explo­sives van­ished after the American inva­sion last year…
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) pub­licly warned about the dan­ger of these explo­sives before the war, and after the inva­sion it specif­i­cally told United States offi­cials about the need to keep the explo­sives secured, European diplo­mats said in inter­views last week. Administration offi­cials say they can­not explain why the explo­sives were not safe­guarded, beyond the fact that the occu­pa­tion force was over­whelmed by the amount of muni­tions they found through­out the country.

Josh Marshall has more, includ­ing this heart­warm­ing tid­bit:

The Defense Department has been try­ing to keep this secret for some time. The DOD even went so far as to order the Iraqis not to inform the IAEA that the mate­ri­als had gone miss­ing. Informing the IAEA, of course, would lead to it becom­ing pub­lic knowl­edge in the United States.

The Times notes that “the bomb that brought down Pan Am Flight 103 over Lockerbie, Scotland, in 1988 used less than a pound of the mate­r­ial of the type stolen from Al Qaqaa.” Now, the insur­gents have some­thing like 700,000 times that amount at their dis­posal, to go along with their ocean of cash, and increas­ingly sophis­ti­cated tac­tics like these. Bad. Very, very bad. Andrew Sullivan hits in on the head:

In terrorist-​​ridden Iraq, the pos­si­bil­ity of seri­ous weaponry falling into the hands of the enemy and being deployed against American troops and con­ceiv­ably American cit­i­zens is unfor­giv­able. The whole point of the inva­sion was to pre­vent this kind of trans­fer from tak­ing place. Yet, thanks to this admin­is­tra­tion, it may have pre­cip­i­tated it. 

THERE’S MORE: Juan Cole points out that this is one of sev­eral “miss­ing deadly weapons” scan­dals to break in Iraq. In the mid­dle of the month, we heard about the nuclear equip­ment build­ings that sim­ply dis­ap­peared from the world’s satel­lite screens. And in the sum­mer of 2003, we learned that radioac­tive mate­ri­als — good for a dirty bomb — had van­ished from Iraq’s al-​​Tuwaitha facility.

INSURGENTS = ENTREPRENEURS?

Friday, October 22nd, 2004

John Robb has a must-​​read post today about the “guerilla entre­pre­neurs” now oper­at­ing in Iraq. If you want to know why this insur­gency in Iraq is going to be so tough to stop, start click­ing.

Arab war­fare, until late in this cen­tury, was dri­ven entirely by entre­pre­neur­ship. For exam­ple: Lawrence of Arabia, the father of mod­ern guer­rilla war­fare, used com­bi­na­tions of direct pay­ments and the promise of loot to build his forces. Faith played a major part, but it was almost always sec­ondary.
Recent reports con­firm from the US mil­i­tary ana­lysts con­firm the finan­cial nature of the open source bazaar in Iraq:

* “Unlimited amounts” of vio­lence cap­i­tal for guer­rilla entre­pre­neurs is flow­ing into Iraq from ex-​​Baathists, rel­a­tives of Saddam Hussein, Saudi sources, and bin Laden. Given global guer­rilla ROIs (returns on invest­ment) of up to 100,000 x, this should be cause for alarm.
* Loot from con­voy hijack­ings, theft of oil through bunker­ing, and ran­soms play a major part of the moti­va­tion for attacks. Fully 80% of the attacks fall into this cat­e­gory.
* A gran­u­lar com­pet­i­tive mar­ket. There are over 50 guer­rilla groups active in Iraq. The sheer diver­sity of the effort indi­cates a process that is very sim­i­lar to his­tor­i­cal pat­terns of Arab warfare.

THERE’S MORE: “About $500 mil­lion in unac­counted funds from Saddam Hussein’s for­mer regime is being used to finance a grow­ing insur­gency in Iraq,” accord­ing to CNN.