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Archive for July, 2005

FCS Jitters

Friday, July 29th, 2005

fcs-bck.jpgThe lat­est General Accounting Office study on the Army’s mas­sive mod­ern­iza­tion pro­gram finds — sur­prise — that there are ‘devel­op­ment risks’ involved in the the com­mu­ni­ca­tions com­po­nents. Since Future Combat Systems, or FCS, will net­work manned and unmanned vehi­cles and weapons, if the com­mu­ni­ca­tions don’t work, the sys­tem is a dud.
Fair enough. The larger prob­lem is whether the con­stant demand for account­ing and over­sight that dri­ves GAO and its con­gres­sional mas­ters is mak­ing it harder for the US to main­tain tech­no­log­i­cal excel­lence in mil­i­tary space. To be risk-​​free, a pro­gram would need to depend on the tech­nolo­gies of the 1980s. The hard ques­tion is whether fail­ure and waste are unavoid­able com­pan­ions when mak­ing bet­ter weapons or tech­ni­cal intel­li­gence sys­tems.
The answer to that ques­tion is yes, fail­ure and waste are inevitable and maybe even nec­es­sary for real inno­va­tion. Corona, the orig­i­nal spy satel­lite, failed in its first five launches. The first 13 mis­sions were fail­ures and pro­duced no pic­tures. The expense was enor­mous — if you adjust for infla­tion, the total pro­gram cost (over 12 years) may have been $40 bil­lion. Of all Corona mis­sions, only 70% were suc­cess­ful. But over­all, Corona was an immense suc­cess. This sounds like an apol­ogy for waste, fraud and abuse, but it’s actu­ally a sug­ges­tion that it might be worth tilt­ing the bal­ance in how the US thinks about space back towards risk tak­ing and away from accounting.

DARPATech 2005 and Tech Leadership

Friday, July 29th, 2005

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Every year DARPA has its own annual gath­er­ing of the clans DARPATech. This one is the 24th, sched­uled for the week of August 9 in Anaheim. The theme for 2005 (and for 2004) is Bridge the Gap. The gap is the dif­fer­ence between what U.S. force can do today and the tech­no­log­i­cal pos­si­bil­i­ties for the future warfighter. DARPATech includes an overview of each pro­gram. The link below goes to the pub­lic slides from DARPATech 2004. Its a quick, easy way to see what DOD is up to in tech­nol­ogy.
The issue that DARPA had to face this year is whether it is not doing enough on the R side of R&D, par­tic­u­larly in basic research. There were hear­ings on this in Congress (prompted by a New York Times story) where DARPAs Director, Anthony Tether, defended DOD spend­ing on basic research. DARPA gots $3 bil­lion in 2004 and put a good hunk of it into basic research that could have secu­rity pay­offs down the road.
The prob­lem is not with DARPA, but with the sense of unease felt by many peo­ple as to whether the U.S. is spend­ing enough on research to ensure its long-​​term secu­rity. Some of this is prompted by China and its com­mit­ment to R&D, some of it is from the con­cern cre­ated by the long (and largely fruit­less) pub­lic debate over the alleged decline of edu­ca­tion in the U.S. and some comes from the anx­i­ety over glob­al­iza­tion and the state of man­u­fac­tur­ing in the U.S.
The U.S. spends more than other nations on R&D, but the pres­sures on this spend­ing have been to focus on the life sci­ences and on devel­op­ment, rather than basic research. Basic research in phsy­ics, math, IT and other ‘hard sci­ences are the most use­ful for mil­i­tary pur­poses, but the ben­e­fits may take years to arrive. Physicists started talk­ing about nan­otech­nol­ogy in the 1950s; prod­ucts didnt begin to show up forty years later. Funding for these areas has either fallen or been flat for years.
The bot­tom line is that while the U.S. has done more than other coun­tries to make sci­en­tific research and tech­no­log­i­cal lead­er­ship one of the pil­lars of its mil­i­tary strength, we may not be mak­ing the invest­ments needed to keep this pil­lar strong. The bumper sticker for this prob­lem is: the coun­try with the most physi­cists wins. Its hard to increase fund­ing, how­ever, in a year of big deficits and an active war.
Congress has started to worry about tech­no­log­i­cal strength and has asked the National Academy to look at how the U.S. can main­tain its lead­er­ship its study starts in August and is sup­posed to be done before the end of the year.
Link to DARPATech 2004

What, no blimps?

Friday, July 29th, 2005

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Want to secure your bor­ders? Heres a state of the art model to look at:
– First, a razor wire fence;
– Then a road for vehi­cle patrols;
– Another fence that sends out an alarm when it is cut;
– A 400 foot gap cov­ered with motion sen­sors and night vision cam­eras (the Soviets had a sim­i­lar strip along their west­ern bor­der, which they would rake every morn­ing and then have patrols look for foot­prints dur­ing the day — of course, they also used mines);
– Finally, another fence with more sen­sors.

This is what Israel plans to put around Gaza after its with­drawal, to pre­vent infil­tra­tion by ter­ror­ists. The cost is about $2.3 mil­lion per mile. For the 2000-​​plus mile U.S. south­ern bor­der, the cost of this would get close to $5 bil­lion, and the cost would more than dou­ble for a sim­i­lar sys­tem on the longer north­ern bor­der.
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The Border Patrol Service (part of DHS) has been increased in size sev­eral times since 2001, but the steady growth in the num­ber of patrols and sen­sors has not stopped the flow of immi­grants (and its worth ask­ing whether it best serves the national inter­est to stop immi­grants com­ing to the U.S. for eco­nomic rea­sons, as opposed to block­ing ille­gal cross­ings by ter­ror­ists and crim­i­nals).
A high tech for­ti­fied bor­der might cost too much even for the U.S., sug­gest­ing that in this case, a solu­tion is likely to require com­ing up with bet­ter immi­gra­tion rules rather rely­ing only on more patrollers and a tech­no­log­i­cal fix.

Hack Attack

Friday, July 29th, 2005

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In 2002, the Department of Justice indicted (in absen­tia) a res­i­dent of the UK, Gary McKinnon, of hack­ing into DOD and NASA com­put­ers and caus­ing almost a mil­lion dol­lars worth of dam­ages. Yesterday, they got around to try­ing to extra­dite him for trial.
McKinnon, a self described UFO fan, was appar­ently search­ing for files labeled “Area 51″ or other evi­dence that the US is con­ceal­ing all it knows about extrater­res­trial life. McKinnon says that any dam­age was acci­den­tal, when he tried to cover his tracks by eras­ing data. He must have been dis­ap­pointed, as he found noth­ing about UFOs.
His biggest crime appears to be that he kept 2000 DOD and NASA com­put­ers from being able to access the inter­net for three days in the Spring of 2002 (although many were still able to send and receive email). As with most com­puter crimes, no one noticed any vis­i­ble tremors of panic in the DC area.
McKinnon did not, DOD says, gain access to any clas­si­fied infor­ma­tion. He got access to unclas­si­fied sys­tems as a result of sloppy secu­rity prac­tices (not chang­ing the default pass­word), but he now says that he was closed out by DOD admin­is­tra­tors soon after get­ting in.
70 years in jail (which is what the US is threat­en­ing him with) seems exces­sive. That an unem­ployed Brit with a UFO mania was able to tromp around unclas­si­fied DOD com­put­ers is embar­rass­ing, and he deserves a stiff fine, some com­mu­nity ser­vice, and maybe a lit­tle jail time.
The real issue is who else is tromp­ing around, per­haps a bit more skill­fully, not leav­ing tracks, and not con­fin­ing them­selves to search­ing for UFO data. McKinnon him­self said “I was always very fright­ened when I real­ized there were always other peo­ple from all over the world on there [the DOD net­works].“
Even if McKinnon was unable to access clas­si­fied data, peo­ple at DOJ say (off the record) that he was able to look at weapons R&D mate­r­ial that shouldn’t be pub­lic. The inter­net has been a tremen­dous boon for espi­onage, and if McKinnon found a way to get in, we have to assume that other, more pro­fes­sional types, did so as well.

UCAV — Unmanned Combat Air Vehicle

Thursday, July 28th, 2005

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Some peo­ple in the Pentagon and the indus­try won­der if the F-​​35 will be the last manned fighter the U.S. will ever build. I don’t think it will come to that, but they say to watch UCAVs [unmanned com­bat aer­ial vehi­cles, or killer drones] and the pos­si­bil­ity for deploy­ing a UCAV/​manned com­bi­na­tion (1 plane, 1 or more UCAVs).
This could have real merit. The back­seater would fly a com­pan­ion air­craft. That would increase the deliv­er­able pay­load per sor­tie and give the manned craft the option of let­ting the UCAV do things that seemed unac­cept­ably risky. You can think of other sce­nar­ios where this could be handy. It’s a step beyond the idea of UCAV as a more capa­ble UAV, oper­ated by some­one on the ground far away.
The tech­nol­ogy is not there yet, but bet­ter UAV’s (that auto­mate more of the rou­tine tasks for fly­ing that pilots do almost with­out think­ing) and code from gam­ing soft­ware make this a pos­si­bil­ity. Think of it not as inde­pen­dent fly­ing robots but a new kind of for­ward air con­trol (and the mil­i­tary impli­ca­tions of game tech­nol­ogy deserve its own entry).
The other ques­tion is whether UCAV pro­grams can recover from the sum­mer movie “Stealth,” which has got­ten a num­ber of ter­ri­ble reviews. Ive only seen the trail­ers, so I cant say. The pic­ture [a Photoshop spe­cial — ed.] is from DARPA, by the way, and makes it look like some of these pro­grams are pretty far along.

Phrase of the Week — Complex Battlespace

Thursday, July 28th, 2005

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“In gen­eral, a more com­plex force pre­vails over a less com­plex force.“
Arthur Cerbrowski, Director, Office of Force
Transformation, Department of Defense
The first time I read this, I didn’t like it, per­haps because of the old Army adage KISS. Then I thought that Admiral Cerbrowski prob­a­bly had a dif­fer­ent def­i­n­i­tion of com­plex in mind. What he might mean is that a com­plex force is one that is able to cre­ate more and dif­fer­ent options for action against an oppo­nent.
If this is right, a com­plex force would do bet­ter in a com­plex bat­tle space. Complex bat­tle space is a dig­ni­fied way of say­ing messy. Battlefields have always been messy, but the geo­graphic scope of bat­tle, the rapid pace at which it occurs, and the increase in the num­ber of actors make the con­flicts since the ’91 Gulf War (with com­bat mainly between two oppos­ing forces, in uni­form, in a mostly unin­hab­ited desert) very dif­fer­ent. Now, civil­ians don’t always have time to get out of the way, and there are other agen­cies, NGOs, the UN, press, pri­vate secu­rity con­trac­tors as well as insur­gents and local secu­rity forces. Instead of two sides, there may be nine or ten that are often indis­tin­guish­able from each other.
Complex bat­tle­space also involves extend­ing the scope for com­bat, to include ground, air, space, naval and infor­ma­tion (or cyber). We might want to amend the state­ment to say that a force that is bet­ter at man­ag­ing com­plex­ity will do bet­ter than a force that still tries to keep it simple.

More Surveillance

Thursday, July 28th, 2005

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The French have been inspired by the bomb­ings in London and Egypt to put in place a series of new anti-​​terrorist mea­sures. Prime Minister de Villepan announced yes­ter­day that the gov­ern­ment will ask the National Assembly in August for a new law to expand video sur­veil­lance and to require ISPs and tel­cos to pre­serve email and phone data for sev­eral years. Cameras would be set up in the metro, city squares and other pub­lic places. One goal is to install 4,000 cam­eras in Paris buses by the end of the year. The French, who have tightly con­trolled the num­ber of cam­eras until now, were appar­ently impressed by how cam­eras helped the British iden­tify bomb­ing sus­pects.
Another goal is to intro­duce bio­met­ric ‘smart pass­ports’ (with a microchip) by October. This will be the pre­cur­sor to a bio­met­ric national iden­tity card (French cit­i­zens are required to have a national ID, and it doesn’t pro­voke the com­plaints you see in the US or UK).
France already has tough anti-​​terror laws and very com­pe­tent police and secu­rity forces. When Paris makes up its mind to do some­thing in the secu­rity arena, it usu­ally moves pretty quickly.
Link (in French)

PLA Catch-​​All

Thursday, July 28th, 2005

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DODs 2005 report on Chinas mil­i­tary power is actu­ally pretty level-​​headed. I was expect­ing some­thing more along the lines of the old Soviet Military Reviews, which rou­tinely attrib­uted astound­ing tech­ni­cal advances to the Soviets. The noise level in Washington over the yuan and CNOOC also led me to expect some­thing more vocif­er­ous.
One devel­op­ment regard­ing Chinas mil­i­tary that hasnt got­ten as much atten­tion is a pro­posed Commerce Department reg­u­la­tion that would restrict U.S. high tech trade with China. In non­pro­lif­er­a­tion terms, this would be a catch-​​all rule for exports that could make a sig­nif­i­cant con­tri­bu­tion to the PLA. The export wouldnt have to go directly to the PLA itself to be caught.
The catch-​​all was devel­oped in the late 1980s in reac­tion to an episode where Iraq was buy­ing a highly-​​specialized indus­trial tool for its WMD pro­grams and the US found it had no way to stop the sale. The reg­u­la­tion imple­ment­ing the catch-​​all is called the Enhanced Proliferation Control Initiative (EPCI), which gives the gov­ern­ment the abil­ity to stop any sale by a U.S. com­pany when it thinks that the export might con­tribute to the pro­lif­er­a­tion of WMD. Companies hate EPCI, but its been used with restraint.
The U.S. already blocks mil­i­tary exports to China, so a new catch-​​all for the PLA would apply only to com­mer­cial goods. The scope of a catch-​​all might be more lim­ited than EPCI, in that it might apply only to a list of high tech goods, but even this could still have a pretty broad reach, par­tic­u­larly as it would likely focus on com­mer­cial high tech prod­ucts. The Chinese blame the trade imbal­ance on U.S. tech­nol­ogy restric­tions and say the catch-​​all will only make things worse, but this is non­sense. Its not sup­ported by the num­bers, which sug­gest that U.S. exports to China would not increase very much if all sanc­tions were lifted.
Most peo­ple rec­og­nize that a catch-​​all wont stop PLA mod­ern­iza­tion. China cant make advanced weaponry, but while it tries to build a mod­ern defense indus­try, it can buy from Russia. It also gets mil­i­tary tech­nol­ogy from Israel and it would like to add Europe to its sup­pli­ers (and some Europeans would love to sell). The catch-​​all wont affect the arms pur­chases that are the basis of Chinas mil­i­tary mod­ern­iza­tion, although it raises the stakes for the EU if it tries again to lift its own arms embargo.
The catch-​​all might be aimed at Information Technology. China envies the U.S. mil­i­tary and is try­ing to dupli­cate the progress in infor­ma­tion warfare/​netcentric operations/​C4ISR that is at the core of trans­for­ma­tion. Since IT exports from Taiwan, Japan, Korea and Europe wont be affected, its not clear how much ben­e­fit well get from the catch-​​all, but we can­not dis­miss the pos­si­bil­ity of con­flict with China as com­pletely improb­a­ble. I still think its bet­ter to focus on mak­ing sure that the U.S. main­tains tech­no­log­i­cal lead­er­ship rather than wor­ry­ing about how to slow Chinese eco­nomic growth.
Links to the report and a story on the catch-​​all.

Buy or Build

Wednesday, July 27th, 2005

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It keeps get­ting harder and more expen­sive to build mod­ern weapons. The com­bi­na­tion of cost and com­plex­ity dri­ves com­pa­nies from the mar­ket. The most notice­able effect has been on the emerg­ing economies that tried to become arms pro­duc­ers. Brazil, India, Taiwan, Korea, Israel, Pakistan and South Africa all began major arms pro­grams in the 1970s and 1980s. Even when there was sub­stan­tial for­eign assis­tance, these coun­tries couldnt sus­tain their pro­grams. A few decided to spe­cial­ize in niche pro­duc­tion, but none could bear the devel­op­ment costs of major next-​​generation sys­tems. In those cases where they per­se­vered, the sys­tems they devel­oped tended to be over-​​expensive, under­pow­ered vari­ants of mod­ern weaponry. This is one rea­son why all of these coun­tries were also attracted to WMD — its cheaper and eas­ier to build. In the West, shrink­ing bud­gets, cost and com­plex­ity drove defense indus­trial con­sol­i­da­tion.
Making weapons sys­tems requires expe­ri­ence, data­bases, and inte­gra­tion skills that cant be acquired quickly. Today, only the U.S., Russia and Europe can make a full range of advanced weapons. This is par­tic­u­larly true for com­bat air­craft, which brings us to India. India was a Soviet client for decades when it came to arms pur­chases (Britain sold them used air­craft car­ri­ers). India is now in the mar­ket for a new fighter and, in a shift, is look­ing at Western sources. With a planned pur­chase of 126 air­craft, this is one the last big deals out there. The con­tenders include Boeings F/​A-​​18, Lockheeds F-​​16, the Eurofighter and Dassaults Rafaele. The Russians will prob­a­bly offer the SU-​​30M. All are good planes.
Boeing has upped the ante by also offer­ing to copro­duce the F/​A-​​18 in India with HAL, Indias big government-​​owned aero­space firm. Coproduction does not lower the cost for the acquirer. The planes built at the for­eign facil­ity are usu­ally more expen­sive. The hope is that some of the inte­gra­tion skills and expe­ri­ence will rub off onto indige­nous pro­grams. When the U.S. and Japan began co-​​production of fighter air­craft in the 1980s, there were shrieks from pro­tec­tion­ists that we were teach­ing the Japanese how to swal­low the aero­space indus­try, they would soon move over into com­mer­cial air­craft, etc. None of this hap­pened, nor is it likely to hap­pen with India. The F/​A-​​18 is a great air­craft, but it entered ser­vice in 1981 (the last one, much improved, was built twenty years later).
The trend in the global arms indus­try is to down­size and con­sol­i­date. Few coun­tries can afford to sus­tain mod­ern arms indus­tries, but if India (or China) com­mits to spend bil­lions of dol­lars for at least a decade, it could enter the small club of coun­tries able to pro­duce mod­ern com­bat air­craft. For now its cheaper (and bet­ter) to buy than to build.
Posted by Jim Lewis

Unmanned is better

Tuesday, July 26th, 2005

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Not many peo­ple would try to drive an 24 year old American car coast to coast on Interstate 80 this sum­mer, but thats a fair descrip­tion of the launch of the Shuttle Discovery, built in 1981 and flown into space many times. Discovery is a well main­tained antique that wont be retired until 2010. NASAs Return to Flight Task Group over­saw the imple­men­ta­tion of 15 rec­om­men­da­tions made after the Columbia breakup and Discovery is a much improved craft that is safer than any of its pre­de­ces­sors.
The shut­tle is a fly­ing truck with no mil­i­tary appli­ca­tions. NASA likes this, but when the Shuttle con­cept was first dis­cussed (ancient his­tory: the Nixon Administration) Air Force played a role in its design as peo­ple assumed that there would be mil­i­tary activ­i­ties that the shut­tle could per­form. This was before it became clear that unmanned craft did bet­ter at every­thing in space.
There is still an attrac­tion for a space plane or trans-​​atmospheric craft, albeit unmanned, that could be based in the United States and per­form Afghanistan-​​like air bom­bard­ments with­out the need for expen­sive over­seas deploy­ments, bases, or mul­ti­ple refu­el­ing. The lat­est pro­gram is called FALCON (Force Application and Launch from the Continental United States), part of a larger con­cept called Global Strike that guides Air Force think­ing about its future role. FALCON phase I would be a hyper­sonic glider not really a space plane. FALCON phase II would be a reusable, sub-​​orbital UAV.
FALCON is the lat­est in a long line of hyper­sonic air­craft or space plane pro­grams that the U.S. has started. Unlike the ear­lier efforts, which were usu­ally aban­doned some­where in the mid­dle of test­ing, this one may actu­ally enter into ser­vice, in part because of the skills and tech­nolo­gies devel­oped for long range UAVs like Global Hawk. Seeing FALCON as a space weapon excites arms con­trollers, but in its first phase, despite its long range and high alti­tude, its not really a space vehi­cle.
Falcon raises the ques­tion of whether the US civil space pro­gram should aban­don reusable space­craft and return to an Apollo-​​like sin­gle use vehi­cle like the planned CEV (cheaper, reli­able, old fash­ioned). Note to space-​​race watch­ers: the Europeans recently announced they would sup­port a new Russian plan for a space plane named Kliper that could replace the Soyuz cap­sule. Kliper would have the capa­bil­i­ties of a king-​​cab pickup truck (6 pas­sen­gers, 1000 lbs. of cargo).