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Archive for April, 2007

JTRS on the Skids

Monday, April 30th, 2007

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The cor­ner­stone of the Army Future Combat System has come under more scrutiny this month with a scathing arti­cle in National Defense mag­a­zine that shows a key com­mu­ni­ca­tions pro­gram is under­per­form­ing and tak­ing too long to bear fruit.

The Joint Tactical Radio System has been touted by Army plan­ners as a key ingre­di­ent in the FCS sys­tem of sys­tems, allow­ing sol­diers to com­mu­ni­cate across the net­works on a com­mon radio archi­tec­ture. The plan makes sense, and builds on rev­e­la­tions from the attacks on 9/​11 that showed var­i­ous gov­ern­ment and civil­ian agen­cies couldnt com­mu­ni­cate with each other because they used dis­tinct radio sys­tems and networks.

(From the Armys FCS pro­gram doc­u­ment)

The FCS (BCT) Family-​​of-​​Systems (FoS) are con­nected to the com­mand, con­trol, com­mu­ni­ca­tions, com­put­ers, intel­li­gence, sur­veil­lance and recon­nais­sance (C4ISR) net­work by a mul­ti­lay­ered trans­port layer with unprece­dented range, capac­ity and depend­abil­ity. The pri­mar­ily mobile trans­port layer pro­vides secure, reli­able access to infor­ma­tion sources over extended dis­tances and com­plex ter­rain. The net­work will sup­port advanced func­tion­al­i­ties such as inte­grated net­work man­age­ment, infor­ma­tion assur­ance and infor­ma­tion dis­sem­i­na­tion man­age­ment to ensure dis­sem­i­na­tion of crit­i­cal infor­ma­tion among sen­sors, proces­sors and warfight­ers both within, and exter­nal to the FCS (BCT)-equipped organization.

The FCS (BCT) trans­port layer does not rely on a large and sep­a­rate infra­struc­ture because it is pri­mar­ily embed­ded in the mobile plat­forms and moves with the com­bat for­ma­tions. This enables the com­mand, con­trol, com­mu­ni­ca­tions, com­put­ers, intel­li­gence, sur­veil­lance, and recon­nais­sance (C4ISR) net­work to pro­vide supe­rior Battle Command (BC) on the move to achieve offensive-​​oriented, high-​​tempo operations.

The FCS (BCT) trans­port layer is com­prised of sev­eral het­ero­ge­neous com­mu­ni­ca­tion sys­tems includ­ing the Joint Tactical Radio System (JTRS) and Warfighter Information Network-​​Tactical (WIN-​​T). FCS (BCT) lever­ages all avail­able resources to pro­vide a robust, sur­viv­able, scal­able and reli­able het­ero­ge­neous com­mu­ni­ca­tions net­work that seam­lessly inte­grates ground, near ground, air­borne and space-​​borne assets for con­stant con­nec­tiv­ity and lay­ered redundancy.

The FCS (BCT) Network Management System will be uti­lized to man­age the entire FCS (BCT) net­work includ­ing radios with dif­fer­ent wave­forms, plat­form routers, and local area net­works (LANs), infor­ma­tion assur­ance ele­ments, and hosts. It pro­vides a full spec­trum of man­age­ment capa­bil­i­ties required dur­ing all mis­sion phases, includ­ing pre-​​mission plan­ning, rapid net­work con­fig­u­ra­tion upon deploy­ment in the area of oper­a­tions, mon­i­tor­ing the net­work dur­ing mis­sion exe­cu­tion and dynamic adap­ta­tion of net­work poli­cies in response to net­work per­for­mance and fail­ure conditions. 

The mil­i­tary has been try­ing for years to stan­dard­ize its radio com­mu­ni­ca­tions but has run up against some seri­ous tech­ni­cal and hard­ware bar­ri­ers that still keeps com­mon radios out of the troops hands. Remember sto­ries about field com­man­ders using Thuraya satel­lite phones and Aol Instant Messaging to pass infor­ma­tion across the bat­tle­field dur­ing the ground inva­sion of Iraq in 2003?

From National Defense

During the past four years, the ser­vices (mostly the Army) have spent nearly $4 bil­lion on new radios. By com­par­i­son, between 1998 and 2001, their radio pur­chases amounted to less than $1 bil­lion, accord­ing to Defense Department esti­mates. More than 60 per­cent of all radios pro­cured are either indi­vid­ual hand­held or squad-​​level manpack.

Before the war, the ser­vices were not allowed to pur­chase radios unless they obtained a JTRS waiver from the office of the assis­tant sec­re­tary of defense for net­works and infor­ma­tion inte­gra­tion. The pol­icy aimed to dis­cour­age pur­chases of non-​​JTRS radios.

But Army offi­cials com­plained that the waiver was a bureau­cratic bur­den that hin­dered their abil­ity to rapidly deliver radios to troops in Iraq. The Pentagon sub­se­quently agreed to sus­pend the waiver, although it recently approved a lim­ited pol­icy that only applies to single-​​channel hand­held radios.

Radio man­u­fac­tur­ers, who had envis­aged a finan­cial boon from JTRS con­tracts, grad­u­ally real­ized that they could make bet­ter prof­its by ramp­ing up pro­duc­tion of exist­ing radios in response to the mil­i­tarys surg­ing demand. Some con­trac­tors pri­vately admit they have soured on JTRS, espe­cially once they saw that their cus­tomers in the armed ser­vices had begun to lose con­fi­dence in the program. 

(Read the entire National Defense arti­cle HERE)

So, National Defense shows Pentagon offi­cials are start­ing to back off their force­ful endorse­ment of JTRS, allow­ing the ser­vices to pur­chase more mod­ern ver­sions of the radios they have now.

As the pro­gram con­tin­ues to lose sup­port across the mil­i­tary ser­vices, Defense Department offi­cials are engi­neer­ing a last-​​ditch effort to save what is increas­ingly a shaky pro­cure­ment plan. They also are back­ing away from ear­lier demands that the Army, Navy, Air Force and Marine Corps stop buy­ing their own service-​​unique radios in favor of a joint fam­ily of radios. 

Theyre bet­ter, for sure, but they still lock the ser­vices on their own com­mu­ni­ca­tions track keep­ing the dis­jointed comms prob­lem alive and rais­ing yet more ques­tions about the via­bil­ity of the FCS program.

(Gouge: NC)

Christian

Body Armor on Track

Monday, April 30th, 2007

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The inves­tiga­tive arm of Congress released an updated report Friday on the sta­tus of the U.S. mil­i­tarys body armor acqui­si­tion efforts and the effec­tive­ness of the armor the ser­vices are fielding.

The reports were con­ducted at the behest of the U.S. Comptroller General — the head of the Government Accountability Office after news reports brought to light short­falls in armor field­ing and flaws in test­ing that resulted in tens of thou­sands of vest sent to the war zone that had not passed spec dur­ing qual­ity assur­ance testing.

The lat­est GAO report found the Army and Marine Corps had effec­tively revamped their test­ing reg­i­men and raised their spec­i­fi­ca­tions to meet emerg­ing threats in the com­bat zone. It also marked one of the first times that a gov­ern­ment entity has stated for­mally that the new Enhanced Small Arms Protective Insert plates, or ESAPI, were devel­oped to address the threat of armor pierc­ing 7.62 rounds.

During my report­ing on this issue, the ser­vices threat­ened me with every­thing short of a shank in a dark alley if I revealed the rea­sons behind the ESPAI buy. Specifically, the Marine Corps had a plate in its hands (that I knew about) with a hole in it from an armor-​​piercing round around the first of the year in 2005. They shared the plate with Army bal­lis­tics experts, who were con­cerned by the pen­e­tra­tion as well.

The plate was exam­ined at bal­lis­tics labs, includ­ing HP White in Street, Md., where the Army prefers to do its bal­lis­tic tests. Tungsten-​​carbide residue was found in the impact zone, lead­ing experts to con­clude the armor-​​piercing round penetration.

Thus the rush for ESAPI began

The ser­vices seem to have got­ten their act together when it comes to spec­i­fi­ca­tions and test­ing, the GAO report shows. Congressional audi­tors did men­tion, how­ever, an ini­tia­tive by the Pentagons office for oper­a­tional test and eval­u­a­tion to stan­dard­ize the Army/​Marine Corps test­ing regime — which is slightly dif­fer­ent and con­ducted at sep­a­rate NIJ-​​certified test­ing sites that will be put into place in 2007.

Christian

M4 Debate Fires Up

Monday, April 30th, 2007

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I wanted to draw our read­ers atten­tion to an arti­cle we posted this morn­ing over at the main Military​.com news site about a drive in the Senate to force the Army into a com­pe­ti­tion for a new standard-​​issue carbine.

I had a long con­ver­sa­tion with a top aide to Sen. Tom Coburn whos con­cerned over our and Army Times cov­er­age of fail­ings in the M4. Its not so much that the M4 is a bad weapon its just that there are bet­ter weapons out there that could be fielded just as easily.

Coburn — a med­ical doc­tor and rel­a­tive new­bie to the Senate — wrote a let­ter to the Army April 12 fax­ing a copy to the office of Acting Secretary Pete Geren on April 17 request­ing that the ser­vice hold a com­pe­ti­tion for a new rifle. If the M4 wins out, the aide said, so be it. But it makes no sense to the first-​​term sen­a­tor that HK416, SCAR and other qual­i­fied car­bines (event he XM8) are just rejected out of hand.

Coburn has no weapons man­u­fac­tur­ers in his state, so its not for parochial inter­ests hes insist­ing on the com­pe­ti­tion. It seems to be one of those rare occa­sions when a law­maker is tak­ing on an issue that just makes sense and helps the warfighter and isn’t geared toward cre­at­ing jobs in his state.

Heres the full text of the let­ter to Sec. Geren:

The Honorable Mr. Peter Geren
Secretary of the Army
101 Army Pentagon
Washington, DC 20310–0101

Dear Mr. Secretary,

I am con­cerned with the Armys plans to pro­cure nearly half a mil­lion new rifles out­side of any com­pet­i­tive pro­cure­ment process.

I under­stand that the Army decided to pro­cure M4 Carbines in the early 1990s to fill the gap between the M16 and 9mm pis­tol. At that time the Army specif­i­cally framed the require­ment as the Required Operational Capability (ROC) for the M4 Carbine. M4 is a trade­mark name owned by Colt. Is it stan­dard prac­tice in Army acqui­si­tion to tie a require­ment to a trade­marked product?

I am cer­tain that we can all agree that Americas sol­diers should have the best tech­nol­ogy in their hands. There is noth­ing more impor­tant to a sol­dier than their rifle, and there is sim­ply no excuse for not pro­vid­ing our sol­diers the best weapon not just a weapon that is good enough. Unfortunately, con­sid­er­ing the long stand­ing reli­a­bil­ity and lethal­ity prob­lems with the M-​​16 design, of which the M4 is based, I am afraid that our troops in com­bat might not have the best weapon.

In the years fol­low­ing the Armys last Requirements Document, a num­ber of man­u­fac­tur­ers have researched, tested, and fielded weapons which, by all accounts, appear to pro­vide sig­nif­i­cantly improved reli­a­bil­ity. To fail to allow a free and open com­pe­ti­tion of these oper­a­tional weapons is unacceptable.

I would like to see the results of the sur­veys you have con­ducted in the field in Iraq and Afghanistan. Please include our sol­diers accounts of mal­func­tions, assess­ments of M4 reli­a­bil­ity and how the Army is address­ing those reli­a­bil­ity concerns.

I believe the Army needs to rapidly revise its rifle and car­bine require­ments. Free and open com­pe­ti­tion will give our troops the best rifle in the world. Thank you for your prompt con­sid­er­a­tion of this mat­ter, and I hope to hear from you soon.

Sincerely,

Tom Coburn

United States Senator

The Army has yet to respond to Coburns let­ter and has in the past been pretty dis­mis­sive of crit­i­cism about the M4. Its under­stand­able that the Army would shrug off neg­a­tive sto­ries from jour­nal­ists and even some of its spe­cial oper­a­tors who say the M4 isnt the best weapon out there they have big fish to fry with a war going on, includ­ing fleets of new armored vehi­cles, pay­ing for the surge and Walter Reed-​​esque patient care issues. But when a sen­a­tor gets involved some­one who has his hands on the purse strings the Army might just take it a lit­tle more seriously.

Well be sure to update our read­ers on this issue as it develops.

Christian

The Sunday Paper — Style Section

Sunday, April 29th, 2007

After a week of rig­or­ous and at times heated debate here at DT, I thought it might be good to use The Sunday Paper to remind us that we’re all on the same team (except for those who read this site who are on the other team, of course).

So, with­out fur­ther ado … atten-​​hut!

Ward

Hawking Does Zero G

Friday, April 27th, 2007

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As we pre­vi­ously reported he would, astro­physi­cist Stephen Hawking got a taste of weight­less­ness yes­ter­day cour­tesy of a Zero Gravity Corporation mod­i­fied 727. According to MSNBC​.com, “the jet car­ry­ing Hawking, a hand­ful of his physi­cians and nurses, and dozens of oth­ers first flew up to 24,000 feet over the Atlantic Ocean off Florida. Nurses lifted Hawking and car­ried him to the front of the jet, where they placed him on his back atop a spe­cial foam pil­low.” The 727 did eight par­a­bolic pro­files.
ward zero g.jpg

I had a chance for a ride in NASA’s “Vomit Comit,” a mod­i­fied 707, a few years back. It was an inter­est­ing expe­ri­ence. On this par­tic­u­lar flight, the air­plane flew 40 parabo­las (50 degrees nose up to 30 degrees nose down) that afforded just less than 30 sec­onds of zero G each. As my host, a Navy SEAL and mis­sion spe­cial­ist, pre­dicted, the engi­neers and assorted NASA staffers through­out the padded fuse­lage started out very enthu­si­a­si­cally, spin­ning each other and laugh­ing. But by the tenth parabola, they were all air­sick. By the for­ti­eth they would have given their first­borns to get off that damn jet. But once we got back on the ground all agreed the expe­ri­ence was worth the nau­sea — sort of like a wing­ing cer­e­mony used to be back in the day.

Ward

Navy Missile Intercept

Friday, April 27th, 2007

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The Pentagons Missile Defense Agency tested a key leg in its mis­sile shield triad yes­ter­day, shoot­ing down both a sub-​​sonic cruise mis­sile in the atmos­phere and a bal­lis­tic mis­sile in space with a ship-​​based interceptor.

To say the least, mis­sile defense has been extremely con­tro­ver­sial over the years, and it is a sub­ject of heated debate over whether the hun­dreds of bil­lions of dol­lars spent on sys­tems over the years have been worth the cost.

But it is worth chalk­ing up this test in the win col­umn for the embat­tled agency.

From a Raytheon release:

In a first of its kind dual mis­sile defense test, Raytheon Company-​​produced Standard Missile-​​3 (SM-​​3) and Standard Missile-​​2 (SM-​​2) simul­ta­ne­ously engaged tar­gets over the Pacific Ocean.

This was the first time a U.S. Navy ship demon­strated simul­ta­ne­ous ship engage­ments against both cruise and bal­lis­tic mis­sile tar­gets. It was the eighth suc­cess­ful inter­cept for the Aegis Ballistic Missile Defense sys­tems SM-​​3.

The SM-​​3 Block IA destroyed a short-​​range bal­lis­tic mis­sile tar­get in space while SM-​​2 Block IIIA engaged a cruise mis­sile threat at a lower alti­tude. Both inter­cept­ing mis­siles were fired from guided mis­sile cruiser USS Lake Erie (CG 70) by the ships crew. The bal­lis­tic mis­sile tar­get was launched from the U.S. Navys Pacific Missile Range Facility on Kauai. The sub­sonic cruise mis­sile tar­get was launched from a range aircraft.

This test, Flight Test Mission-​​11, was the sec­ond with the Block IA ver­sion of SM-​​3, and the first IA with a full-​​capability solid divert and atti­tude con­trol sys­tem. Raytheon is deliv­er­ing Block IA rounds for oper­a­tional use on Navy cruis­ers and destroyers.

The SM-​​3 Block IA pro­vides increased capa­bil­ity to engage short– to intermediate-​​range bal­lis­tic mis­siles. The SM-​​3 Block IA incor­po­rates rocket motor upgrades and com­puter pro­gram mod­i­fi­ca­tions to improve sen­sor per­for­mance, mis­sile guid­ance and con­trol, and lower cost. It also includes pro­ducibil­ity and main­tain­abil­ity fea­tures required to qual­ify the mis­sile as a tac­ti­cal fleet asset. 

Its defi­nately worth not­ing the com­plex­ity of such a test. Two dif­fer­ent kinds of mis­sile threats, tracked by the Aegis radar sys­tem that was feed­ing infor­ma­tion to two dif­fer­ent inter­cep­tors — each with its own seeker tech­nol­ogy — to a ter­mi­nal kill. Experts on both sides of the debate rec­og­nize the steril­ity of such tests. In the real world, adver­saries might incor­po­rate decoys and other defenses to keep their mis­siles from being shot down.

But, despite the incred­i­ble costs, its impor­tant to remem­ber that well-​​meaning peo­ple are hard at work try­ing to solve a prob­lem and a threat that has so far kept most nations help­less to con­front militarily.

(Gouge: MS)

– Christian

The War Isn’t Lost to CPL Rock

Friday, April 27th, 2007

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On a day when the polit­i­cal stars seemed aligned even stronger against Americas con­tin­ued involve­ment in Iraq, I thought it might be a good idea to get a view of events from the front line.

A story thats mak­ing its way across the net comes from a Marine posted in Ramadi, Iraqi, who takes excep­tion to Senate Democratic leader Harry Reids view that the war is lost.

From the New York Post:

WASHINGTON — A tough U.S. Marine sta­tioned in one of the most hos­tile areas of Iraq has a mes­sage for Senate Democratic leader Harry Reid: We need to stay here and help rebuild.

In raw and emo­tional lan­guage from the bloody front lines, Cpl. Tyler Rock, of the 1st Battalion, 6th Marines, skew­ered Reid for being far removed from the patri­o­tism and progress in Iraq.

Yeah, and I got a quote for that [exple­tive] Harry Reid. These fam­i­lies need us here, Rock vented in an e-​​mail to Pat Dollard, a Hollywood agent-​​turned-​​war reporter who posted the com­ment on his Web site, www​.pat​dol​lard​.com.

Obviously [Reid] has never been in Iraq. Or at least the area worth see­ing … the parts where insur­gency is ram­pant and the build­ings are blown to pieces, Rock wrote.

Based in Camp Lejeune, N.C., Rock cat­a­logued a series of grim daily trau­mas in Iraq, like get­ting cov­ered in ash and sleep­ing under a dirty rug in an Iraqi fam­ilys house, or watch­ing sev­eral ter­ror­ists die on the same strip of pavement.

But he says he is opti­mistic about the future of a coun­try that he says has turned to com­plete s– — - dur­ing a bloody insurgency.

He also spoke admir­ingly of the risks brave Iraqi cit­i­zens take every day.

If Iraq didnt want us here then why do we have [Iraqi police] vol­un­teer­ing every day to rebuild their cities? he asked.

It sucks that Iraqis have more patri­o­tism for a coun­try that has turned to com­plete s– — - more than the peo­ple in America who drink Starbucks every day.

We could leave this place and say we are sorry to the ter­ror­ists. And then we could wait for 3,000 more American civil­ians to die before we say, Hey, thats not nice again.

And the sad thing is after we WIN this war. People like [Reid] will say he was there for us the whole time.

Rocks can­did e-​​mail swept across the Internet after Dollard posted it on his site, and it was picked up by the Drudge Report and numer­ous other Web sites.

What does [Reid] know about us los­ing besides what he wants to believe? The truth is that we are push­ing al Qaeda out and we are push­ing the insur­gency out. We are here to sup­port a nation. 

Hat-​​tip to Pat Dollard who was there with my buddy that hor­ri­ble night in Ramadi. RIP Almar and Matt.

Christian

I’m a Manipulative Hack…

Thursday, April 26th, 2007

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Perhaps I can finally put up a post every­one can agree on (yeah, right), and espe­cially on a day like today when I get com­ments like this

Unreal. You sir, will never qual­ify for “Are you smarter than a 5th grader?“ 

Or this one

You and Rumsfeld should enjoy a mar­tini together.
If this arti­cle wasn’t free to read, I’d can­cel my sub­scrip­tion today. Not because of your opin­ion, but because you pos­sess no exper­tise in the field in which you report on. 

Alright, here you go guys: Journalists (like me) suck

So says a new report from the Joan Sorenson Center on the Press, Politics and Public Policy at Harvard University though not in such pedes­trian terms.

In a thor­ough analy­sis of media cov­er­age dur­ing the 2006 Israel/​Hezbollah war (which I cov­ered from Cyprus and Beirut for the Military Times news­pa­pers and USA Today), media sage — and no friend to its crit­ics on the right — Marvin Kalb paints a dis­turb­ing pic­ture of media bias, manip­u­la­tion and out­right advo­cacy for the Hezbollah cause.

I remem­ber telling my col­leagues back home that from my per­spec­tive at the US Embassy in Beirut, you couldnt tell there was a war going on at all. Life con­tin­ued as nor­mal on the streets and civil­ians went about their daily busi­ness unen­cum­bered. There was no smoke ris­ing from the hills, no explo­sions, no panic. My obser­va­tions fell on deaf ears, most sus­pect­ing I was a right-​​wing, Israel-​​loving nut.

The exhaus­tive Harvard study calls into ques­tion the rapid asser­tion by Human Rights Watch that the Israeli mil­i­tary com­mit­ted war crimes and the medias reluc­tance to hold Hezbollah to account for its own crim­i­nal behav­ior. The var­i­ous instances of doc­tored pho­tos (such as the above Reuters photo) and exag­ger­ated casu­alty claims are mere sideshows to the out­right fail­ure to adhere to the jour­nal­is­tic mantra of bal­anced cov­er­age with­out edi­to­ri­al­iz­ing opinion.

Because Hezbollah func­tioned as a quasi-​​military force within its pop­u­lace, pro­tect­ing it, feed­ing it, hous­ing it, and in gen­eral car­ing for its needs, the Israelis were quickly accused of hit­ting civil­ian tar­gets with an indis­crim­i­nate cal­lous­ness amount­ing to war crimes.

On August 3, Human Rights Watch specif­i­cally accused Israel of war crimes. Few seemed to note that before the war, on May 27, Nasrallah had actu­allyand pub­liclyem­braced the guer­rilla tac­tic of hid­ing sol­diers among civil­ians. [Hezbollah fight­ers] live in their houses, in their schools, in their churches, in their fields, in their farms and in their fac­to­ries, he said, adding, You cant destroy them in the same way you would destroy an army.

By wars end, it was clear that Nasrallah was right. Hezbollah, though severely wounded, remained a fight­ing force in defi­ant objec­tion to all U.N. res­o­lu­tions call­ing for it to be disarmed.

Israel defended its mil­i­tary oper­a­tions by cit­ing two rel­e­vant arti­cles in inter­na­tional law: using civil­ians for mil­i­tary cover was a war crime, and any tar­get with sol­diers hid­ing among civil­ians was con­sid­ered a legit­i­mate mil­i­tary tar­get. Israels for­eign min­is­ter, Tzipi Livni, framed her gov­ern­ments argu­ment in cold lan­guage. When you go to sleep with a mis­sile, she told The New York Times, you might find your­self wak­ing up to another kind of missile.

Israels defense, though, fell on deaf ears, not only among diplo­mats but also reporters, as daily evi­dence mounted of civil­ian deaths. Hezbollah, when­ever pos­si­ble, pointed reporters to civil­ian deaths among Lebanese, a help­ful ges­ture with heavy pro­pa­ganda impli­ca­tions. Early in the war, reporters rou­tinely noted that Hezbollah had started the war, and its casu­al­ties were a log­i­cal con­se­quence of war. But after the first week such ref­er­ences were either dropped or down­played, leav­ing the wide­spread impres­sion that Israel was a loose can­non shoot­ing at any­thing that moved. 

Theres also a dis­turb­ing pas­sage about pos­si­ble com­plic­ity by the United Nations in Hezbollahs many deadly ambushes of Israeli troops.

UNIFIL was the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon. It con­sisted of roughly 2,000 troops sta­tioned along the Lebanese-​​Israeli bor­der from 1978 until the end of the 2006 war. Its man­date required full impar­tial­ity and objectivity.

During the war, it pub­lished infor­ma­tion on its offi­cial web­site about Israeli troop move­ments, infor­ma­tion that in mil­i­tary cir­cles might well be regarded as action­able intelligence.

Take, for instance, its post­ing of July 25, 2006:

Yesterday and dur­ing last night, the IDF (Israeli Defense Forces) moved sig­nif­i­cant rein­force­ments, includ­ing a num­ber of tanks, armored per­son­nel car­ri­ers, bull­doz­ers and infantry, to the area of Marun Al Ras inside Lebanese ter­ri­tory. The IDF advanced from that area north towards Bint Jubayl and south towards Yarun.

Or, its post­ing of July 24, which dis­closed that IDF forces sta­tioned between Marun Al Ras and Bint Jubayl were sig­nif­i­cantly rein­forced dur­ing the night and this morn­ing with a num­ber of tanks and armored per­son­nel carriers.

It was part of UNIFILs respon­si­bil­ity to report vio­la­tions of the cease­fire, includ­ing troop move­ments, to the U.N., but pre­sum­ably this infor­ma­tion was to be con­veyed through con­fi­den­tial chan­nels, not on the Internet, where the infor­ma­tion in wartime could be as valu­able as hard, mil­i­tary intel­li­gence sud­denly exposed to the light.

These post­ings, sim­i­lar to oth­ers dur­ing the war, coin­cided with heavy fight­ing in the region. Israeli units came under severe Hezbollah attack.

It is impos­si­ble for out­siders to know whether Hezbollah used the infor­ma­tion pro­vided by UNIFIL, which was avail­able to any­one with a lap­top, or whether Hezbollah depended pri­mar­ily upon infor­ma­tion pro­vided by loyal local sup­port­ers. However, no UNIFIL post­ing dur­ing the war con­tained any spe­cific infor­ma­tion relat­ing to Hezbollahs mil­i­tary move­ments, per­haps because they were not vis­i­ble to UNIFIL or per­haps because UNIFIL did not choose to see the movements. 

Frida Ghitis at World Politics Watch has an out­stand­ing write up on the report. She points out the increas­ing role media cov­er­age plays in a non-​​state strat­egy of asym­met­ric warfare.

Before long, Hezbollah had achieved a defin­i­tive pro­pa­ganda vic­tory. The media had not only acqui­esced to tell Hezbollah’s ver­sion of the war, they had started con­tribut­ing to the cre­ation of the nar­ra­tive, with at least one Reuters pho­tog­ra­pher alter­ing pho­tographs to make Israeli attacks look more dam­ag­ing. And many reporters sim­ply failed to offer much con­text. The study quotes the New York Times’ Stephen Erlanger com­ment­ing on a satel­lite pic­ture pub­lished by his paper. The pic­ture showed a south­ern sub­urb of Beirut, which was largely destroyed. Erlanger said it “both­ered me a great deal,” because the image with no con­text failed to show that this was a small part of a Beirut, and the rest of the city was largely undam­aged by the war.

The Harvard paper shows the need for jour­nal­ists to brace them­selves and remain vig­i­lant when they cover con­flicts between open soci­eties on one side, and media-​​controlling mili­tias on the other. These con­flicts, which we will undoubt­edly con­tinue to see, demand that jour­nal­ists make a greater effort to pro­vide con­text and to keep from become will­ing col­lab­o­ra­tors with one side. Islamic mil­i­tant groups, such as al-​​Qaida and oth­ers, have openly described their strat­egy of manip­u­lat­ing the media and win­ning on the “infor­ma­tion bat­tle­field.” Hezbollah, too, had a well crafted, and ulti­mately suc­cess­ful media plan. 

I cant help but rec­og­nize the tim­ing of this report, which comes as Congress votes to cede the bat­tle of Iraq to Islamic extrem­ists based on cov­er­age of daily car­nage and con­tin­ued U.S. mil­i­tary deaths. As Kalb sums up:

In an open soci­ety, ground rules may be announced, but they are not likely to be observed or enforced. During the 2006 sum­mer­time war in the Middle East, it was Israel ver­sus Hezbollah, led by the charis­matic Hassan Nasrallah, and because Israel did not win the war, it is judged to have lost. In Iraq, in the not too dis­tant future, it may well be the United States ver­sus the Mahdi Army, led by the equally charis­matic Sheik Moqtada al-​​Sadr. The chal­lenge for respon­si­ble jour­nal­ists cov­er­ing asym­met­ri­cal war­fare, espe­cially in this age of the Internet, is new, awe­some and frightening. 

Christian

CoS: Air Power Most Deadly Component

Thursday, April 26th, 2007

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Whats more effec­tive in the fight in Iraq and Afghanistan: air power or boots on the ground.

Well if you ask the Air Force Chief of staff, hell tell you its his air­craft pro­vid­ing the great­est com­bat punch.

[Air Force] Secretary [Michael] Wynne asked the staff last week to look at which com­po­nent has had the biggest effect on attri­tion of hos­tiles. Staff came back and said it looks like the air com­po­nent is killing bad guys at a higher rate than any­one else I have anec­do­tal evi­dence from the staff that says air­power is the most lethal of the com­po­nents in wrap­ping up bad guys.

As far as num­bers of peo­ple killed, as far as wrap­ping up bad guys and as far as deliv­er­ing a kinetic effect the air com­po­nent which also includes Marine and Navy air, by the way is the most lethal of the com­po­nents. I have not seen those num­bers but I thought that was a use­ful observation

I con­sid­ered that posi­tion which Moseley revealed dur­ing an April 24 inter­view — this morn­ing when I saw the lat­est air power sum­mery from Southwest Asia on the Air Force Web site:

4/​25/​2007 — SOUTHWEST ASIA (AFNEWS) — Coalition air­power sup­ported coali­tion ground forces in Iraq and International Security Assistance Force troops in Afghanistan in the fol­low­ing oper­a­tions April 24, accord­ing to Combined Air and Space Operations Center offi­cials here.

In Afghanistan, an Air Force B-​​1B Lancer pro­vided over­watch for a coali­tion con­voy near Qarah Bagh. No attacks were reported after the B-1B’s arrival.

U.S. Navy F/​A-​​18 Super Hornets pro­vided a show of force for a coali­tion forces posi­tion near Saraw. A joint ter­mi­nal attack con­troller con­firmed it was suc­cess­ful and no fur­ther attacks were reported. The air­crews also pro­vided over­watch for a coali­tion patrol in the same area.

French M-​​2000 Mirages pro­vided a show of force for a coali­tion forces posi­tion near Asadabad. No attacks were reported after the M-​​2000s arrived.

In total, 41 close-​​air-​​support mis­sions were flown in sup­port of ISAF and Afghan secu­rity forces, recon­struc­tion activ­i­ties and route patrols.

Nine Air Force intel­li­gence, sur­veil­lance and recon­nais­sance air­craft flew mis­sions in sup­port of oper­a­tions in Afghanistan. Additionally, four U.S. Navy and Royal Air Force air­craft per­formed tac­ti­cal reconnaissance.

In Iraq, Air Force F-​​16 Fighting Falcons searched for mor­tar posi­tions and impro­vised explo­sive device activ­ity near Baghdad. The pilots were then assigned to look for anti-​​Iraqi mili­tia hid­ing nearby. They reported the coor­di­nates of three hot spots.

Other F-​​16s per­formed armed over­watch for coali­tion forces who received small-​​arms fire near Salman Pak. The pilots reported three indi­vid­u­als hid­ing along a fence near a mosque.

Air Force A-​​10 Thunderbolt IIs pro­vided a show of force, releas­ing mul­ti­ple flares, for a raid near Baqubah by coali­tion forces. A JTAC reported the show of force was suc­cess­ful. The pilots also pro­vided recon­nais­sance in the area and reported sus­pi­cious activ­ity to a JTAC.

F/​A-​​18s pro­vided a show of force, releas­ing mul­ti­ple flares, for coali­tion forces receiv­ing small-​​arms fire near Yusufiyah. A JTAC con­firmed it was suc­cess­ful and no fur­ther attacks were reported.

RAF GR-​​4 Tornados pro­vided over­watch to look for snipers for a explo­sive ord­nance dis­posal team near Yusufiyah. The air­crews then were assigned to look for a truck involved in an engage­ment with coali­tion forces. The air­crew found a truck match­ing the descrip­tion of the truck in the attack, at a build­ing nearby. Individuals were reported to be unload­ing objects from the truck.

Other GR-​​4s pro­vided shows of force for coali­tion forces near a crowd of approx­i­mately 250 peo­ple near Baghdad. A JTAC con­firmed it dis­persed the crowd and no attacks were reported.

In total, coali­tion air­craft flew 55 close-​​air-​​support mis­sions for Operation Iraqi Freedom. These mis­sions sup­ported coali­tion ground forces, pro­tected key infra­struc­ture, watched over recon­struc­tion activ­i­ties and helped to deter and dis­rupt ter­ror­ist activities.

Fifteen Air Force, Navy and Royal Australian Air Force ISR air­craft flew mis­sions in sup­port of oper­a­tions in Iraq. Additionally, three Air Force and RAF fighter air­craft per­formed tac­ti­cal reconnaissance.

Air Force C-​​130 Hercules air­craft and C-​​17 Globemaster IIIs pro­vided intra-​​theater heavy air­lift sup­port, help­ing to sus­tain oper­a­tions through­out Afghanistan, Iraq and the Horn of Africa. More than 125 air­lift sor­ties were flown; nearly 410 tons of cargo were deliv­ered, and approx­i­mately 2,200 pas­sen­gers were transported.

Coalition C-​​130 crews from Australia, Canada, Iraq, Japan and South Korea flew in sup­port of OIF or OEF.

On April 22, Air Force, French and RAF tankers flew 50 sor­ties and off-​​loaded more than 3 mil­lion pounds of fuel. 

Now, I dont see any bomb drop­ping in there. But Im will­ing to bet sol­diers and Marines have been mix­ing it up in both Iraq and Afghanistan today, with more lethal effects than pop­ping a few flares to dis­perse a crowd.

I won­der what the ground-​​pounders will say about Moseleys and the USAF sec­re­tarys — con­vic­tion that air­power is killing more bad guys than Joes and Leathernecks.

– Christian

Are We Sure About the MRAP?

Thursday, April 26th, 2007

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Well it looks like the first spasm of Mine Resistant Ambush Protected vehi­cle orders has been launched, with the Pentagon ink­ing a get this — $481 mil­lion con­tract for 1,000 vehi­cles this week.

Thats a half a bil­lion dol­lars for 300 of the 15-​​ton Cougar Cat-​​1 (MRAP-​​MRUV) vehi­cles and 700 of the 16-​​ton Cat-​​2 (MRAP-​​JEERV) behe­moths — all going to Force Protection Industries, Inc.

Excuse me for being the skunk at the pic­nic, but Im skep­ti­cal of the value of these purchases.

The MRAP is not a tac­ti­cal vehi­cle. It is a spe­cial­ized armored truck designed pri­mar­ily for pro­tect­ing EOD units and their gear from explo­sions while dif­fus­ing bombs or mines. The Marine Corps top gear buyer, Brig. Gen. Mike Brogan, admit­ted last month the MRAP was viewed by the Corps as a bou­tique vehi­cle for cer­tain spe­cial­ties. They asked for a lim­ited quan­tity of these vehi­cles in the 2008 bud­get and 2007 wartime fund­ing request based on that view.

Then what hap­pened? You guessed it, Congress stepped in. After brow­beat­ing every ser­vice and DoD offi­cial they could over the mea­ger num­ber of MRAPs in the bud­get, Army and Marine offi­cials snapped to and revamped their request to sat­isfy law­mak­ers new infatuation.

Remember again: the MRAPs are not tac­ti­cal vehi­cles. Of course, nei­ther is a Humvee (it was designed as a logis­tics vehi­cle), but its a lot eas­ier to use as a tac­ti­cal vehi­cle with cur­rent mod­i­fi­ca­tions than the MRAP in an urban coun­terin­sur­gency. The giant, heavy MRAP vehi­cle is ill-​​suited to the urban fight. You might as well drive around the city in a Bradley fight­ing vehicle.

I know Ill prob­a­bly get a lot of crap for this, but I think the ser­vices rec­og­nize that the MRAP isn’t what they need but theyre respond­ing to the con­gres­sional love affair with the vehi­cle because they have to. The push is forc­ing the ser­vices to buy MRAPs from nine dif­fer­ent man­u­fac­tur­ers, and though mil­i­tary offi­cials insist theyre all sim­i­lar mechan­i­cally, you know there are going to be wid­gets and nick-​​knacks that are dif­fer­ent, requir­ing their own logis­tics chain.

And what will the Army and Marine Corps do with these vehi­cles after U.S. involve­ment in Iraq is drawn down, which no mat­ter how you look at it is inevitable soon? The ser­vices are spend­ing mil­lions on the devel­op­ment of a new ver­sion of the Humvee that answers a lot of the short­falls found in the 1980s-​​era vehi­cle, includ­ing a blast-​​deflecting under­body and gas-​​hybrid engines. But with thou­sands of MRAP vehi­cles sit­ting in motor pools around the coun­try, it may be dif­fi­cult to jus­tify spend­ing money on an improved Humvee.

My last prob­lem with the MRAP is that its too big and intim­i­dat­ing. Fielding a vehi­cle that troops are sup­posed to travel in every time they go out­side the wire that looks like it will crush you if you even look at it doesnt seem to me to be a good way to win hearts and minds, and makes it dif­fi­cult to inter­act with a pop­u­la­tion youre try­ing to win over. At least in a Humvee youre a ground level and can quickly jump out to pass a few soc­cer balls to the kids. Not so in the Cougar, which is so far off the ground and has such thick win­dows, its as if theres no human in the thing at all.

What would Gen. Petraeus say if he were asked his hon­est opin­ion of the MRAP infat­u­a­tion? Does it serve his coun­terin­sur­gency plan at all?

(Gouge: DID)

Christian