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Mercs

Let Erik Prince Do the Talking

Friday, August 21st, 2009

Well, Blackwater (Xe) is in the news again today. Seems as if they’ve been load­ing bombs onto CIA Predators in Afghanistan and Pakistan under con­tract and the anti-PMC crowd is in a tizzy.

Based on con­ver­sa­tions I’ve had with secu­rity con­trac­tors from a cou­ple dif­fer­ent com­pa­nies, the CIA gigs — even the one where they out­sourced their al Qaeda hit squads — is SO noth­ing new that it must stun even the most ill-informed intel com­mu­nity watcher to see this make such a splash.

And what could be more innocu­ous than hir­ing some dudes with a track record of main­tain­ing secu­rity and defend­ing covert facil­i­ties to load bombs and mis­siles into drones? I mean, does the gen­eral pub­lic think the CIA has a ord­nance loader spe­cial­ist MOS? Come on.

If it wasn’t going to be Blackwater doing the bomb load­ing or AQ whack­ing, it would be some­one else. The CIA just doesn’t have these guys lying around at Langley. They respond to task and when they need to get spun up quickly, they turn to covert oper­a­tions vet­er­ans in the civil­ian sec­tor. And no one has gob­bled up more of those types than the boys in Moyock.

Here’s a video from AP shot about a year ago when the com­pany had a media rep who actu­ally answered the phone. We’ll let Erik Prince do the rest of the talk­ing — since his com­pany ain’t say­ing any­thing since they’ve exploded back into the news.

– Christian

Mercenary Air

Monday, June 2nd, 2008

blackwater-tucano.jpg

This morn­ing Military.com has a story on America’s most famous (or infa­mous) pri­vate secu­rity con­trac­tor, Blackwater USA, pur­chas­ing a light attack aircraft.

Report Says Blackwater Bought Fighter (AP) 

A sub­sidiary of U.S. mil­i­tary secu­rity con­trac­tor Blackwater Worldwide has pur­chased a fighter plane from the Brazilian avi­a­tion com­pany Embraer, a Brazilian news­pa­per reported June 1. 

The 314-B1 Super Tucano propeller-driven fighter — the same used by the Brazilian mil­i­tary — was bought for $4.5 mil­lion and deliv­ered to EP Aviation at the end of February, accord­ing to the Estado de S. Paulo newspaper. 

First of all the head­line is mis­lead­ing. The Tucano isn’t a “fighter” unless you’re a seri­ously third world air force. But it has been bandied around as a good answer for a “counter-insurgency” air­craft. So Blackwater has clearly done some research (and been read­ing DT, I have to assume) on the best plane to fight a dirty war. It’s inter­est­ing, too, that the com­pany is buy­ing new. Seems to me there’d be a lot more sur­plus gear on the mar­ket for them to snap up — and keep it low pro­file as well.

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Merc Chopper Shot Down (Updated)

Tuesday, January 23rd, 2007

The tens of thou­sands of for­eign mer­ce­nar­ies fight­ing along­side coali­tion sol­diers in Iraq aren’t just tool­ing around in up-armored SUVs sport­ing sub­ma­chine guns. These guys have got heli­copters too that they use to escort con­voys — and one of them has just been shot down over Baghdad, accord­ing to the Associated Press:
abr_sized.jpg

Five civil­ians died in the Baghdad crash of a heli­copter owned by the pri­vate secu­rity com­pany Blackwater USA, accord­ing to a U.S. mil­i­tary offi­cial. The heli­copter was shot down Tuesday over a pre­dom­i­nantly Sunni neigh­bor­hood, a senior Iraqi defense offi­cial said. The crash came three days after a U.S. Black Hawk heli­copter crashed north­east of Baghdad, killing all 12 sol­diers aboard.

Blackwater should have seen this com­ing. Unlike U.S. mil­i­tary heli­copters, which are armored and equipped with coun­ter­mea­sures to defeat shoulder-fired mis­siles, Blackwater’s McDonnell Douglas MD-369FF Loaches are essen­tially defense­less, unless you count the two mercs hang­ing out the cabin doors with their rifles.
Note that Blackwater’s chop­pers — which fly from the same Green Zone heli­pad used by the U.S. Army and Marines — are just civil ver­sions of the Hughes OH-6 Cayuse that the Army began phas­ing out after the Vietnam War due to their vul­ner­a­bil­ity. U.S. Special Forces fly updated H-6s, but only at night, when it’s safer. It’s not clear what time of the day the Blackwater bird was shot down, but I’ve wit­nessed these chop­pers buzzing around in broad day­light.
It’s too early to tell what this shoot-down means for Blackwater and for merc ops in Iraq. But one thing’s for sure: with the mil­i­tary strug­gling to scare up another 20,000 troops for its so-called “surge,” the demand for pri­vate sol­diers isn’t going away.
UPDATE 1/24/07: Four of the dead Blackwater men were appar­ently killed execution-style, per­haps after sur­viv­ing the chop­per crash, while the fifth was a mem­ber of a sec­ond chop­per crew also at the site of the crash. All this accord­ing to the Associated Press:

In Washington, a U.S. defense offi­cial said four of the five killed were shot in the back of the head but did not know whether they were still alive when they were shot. The U.S. offi­cial spoke on con­di­tion of anonymity because he was not autho­rized to speak on the record. …
Another American offi­cial in Baghdad, who spoke on con­di­tion of anonymity, said three Blackwater heli­copters were involved. One had landed for an unknown rea­son and one of the Blackwater employ­ees was shot at that point, he said. That heli­copter appar­ently was able to take off but a sec­ond one then crashed in the same area, he added with­out explain­ing the involve­ment of the third heli­copter.
The New York Times, cit­ing unnamed American offi­cials, reported that the helicopter’s four-man crew was killed along with a gun­ner on a sec­ond Blackwater helicopter.

David Axe, cross­posted at War Is Boring
UPDATE 01/24/07 11:01 AM: Who do ya trust?

Doug Brooks, pres­i­dent of the International Peace Operations Association, an indus­try group that includes secu­rity con­trac­tors, said the type of heli­copter downed, known as a “lit­tle bird,” is among the safest modes of trans­porta­tion in war zones.
“Their crews are the best — they really know their stuff,” he said in an e-mail. “They are very good at avoid­ing fire, fly­ing low and fast — and the tiny heli­copters are very hard to hit.”

Doug is a nice guy. But I’ll put my money on Axe as the more objec­tive observer.
UPDATE 01/24/07 11:07 AM: Robert Young Pelton has details on the inci­dent — and recent footage of Blackwater chop­pers in action.

Washington Post Meets Soldiers’ Justice

Monday, January 15th, 2007

060720contractor.jpgTwelve days ago, Peter Singer broke the story here, that pri­vate mil­i­tary con­trac­tors were going to be sub­ject to the same laws as sol­diers. Since then, big media out­lets from the Boston Globe to the Financial Times have picked up on Singer’s scoop. Today, it’s the Washington Post’s turn. The paper puts the story on the front page.

“Right now, you have two dif­fer­ent stan­dards for peo­ple doing the same job,” said Sen. Lindsey O. Graham (R-S.C.), who pushed the pro­vi­sion. “This will bring uni­for­mity to the commander’s abil­ity to con­trol the behav­ior of peo­ple rep­re­sent­ing our coun­try.”
Graham, an Air Force Reserve lawyer, said the change will help morale in the field. “If the troops see some­one get­ting away with some­thing that hurts the over­all mis­sion, that is a morale buster,” he said.
Under mil­i­tary law, known as the Uniform Code of Military Justice, com­man­ders have wide lat­i­tude in decid­ing who should be pros­e­cuted. Crimes include many that have par­al­lels in civil­ian courts — mur­der and rape, for instance — as well as many that don’t, such as dis­obey­ing an order, frat­er­niza­tion and adul­tery.
Legal experts say that lat­i­tude is one rea­son why attempt­ing to hold civil­ians to the same stan­dards as U.S. troops could be a messy process. It is also likely to raise con­sti­tu­tional chal­lenges: Civilians pros­e­cuted in mil­i­tary court don’t receive a grand jury hear­ing and are ulti­mately tried by mem­bers of the mil­i­tary, rather than by a jury of their peers…
To try to solve the prob­lem, Rep. David E. Price (D-N.C.) intro­duced leg­is­la­tion last week that he said would strengthen MEJA [the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act, which sup­pos­edly expand fed­eral pros­e­cu­tors’ author­ity to for­eign bat­tle­fields], an option he con­sid­ers supe­rior to using mil­i­tary law. “Military law is not appro­pri­ate for civil­ians,” Price said. “The con­sti­tu­tional ques­tions just con­fuse the issue.” 

The New York Times also gives our lil’ site a shout-out over the scoop, in the “What’s Online” column.

Soldiers’ Justice Spreads

Friday, January 12th, 2007

merc_left.jpgMore big media out­lets are pick­ing up on — and adding to — Peter Singer’s Defense Tech scoop, that pri­vate mil­i­tary mem­bers with now be sub­ject to the same laws as American sol­diers. There may even be a test case com­ing up, sooner than we all thought.
Virginian-Pilot:

As pres­sure grows in Congress to hold pri­vate mil­i­tary com­pa­nies such as Blackwater USA more account­able for their con­duct, reports have sur­faced of a Dec. 24 shoot­ing in Baghdad that could serve as a text­book case.

Austin American-Statesman:

the con­trac­tors sub­ject to the military’s laws and penal­ties serves as a deter­rent, defense ana­lyst Larry Korb said. “It gives the com­man­ders there the abil­ity to say, ‘Look, you are in my zone of respon­si­bil­ity. Here’s the ground rules, and if you vio­late them, here’s what happens.’”

GovExec:

Doug Brooks… pres­i­dent of the International Peace Operations Association, [which] rep­re­sents pri­vate secu­rity firmsgroup’s pres­i­dent… said the mil­i­tary jus­tice code is not well equipped to han­dle crimes com­mit­ted by civil­ians.
“We’re all for account­abil­ity, and frankly the UCMJ will be great if it can work,” Brooks said of the rule change. “But UCMJ isn’t the right thing to do this.”
He cited con­cerns about the con­sti­tu­tion­al­ity of sub­ject­ing civil­ians to mil­i­tary legal processes, thereby depriv­ing them of cer­tain aspects of the reg­u­lar judi­cial process.
Brooks said it also was unclear whether the mil­i­tary jus­tice code could be applied to non-Americans. If the law applies only to Americans work­ing on Defense con­tracts, he said, it would ulti­mately cover less than 10 per­cent of the con­tract­ing force in Iraq, which includes peo­ple from around the world. 

Financial Times:

Christopher Beese, chief admin­is­tra­tion offi­cer for ArmorGroup, a secu­rity com­pany that oper­ates in Iraq, said he doubted whether the new law would have any impact until the US, UK and Iraqi author­i­ties “demon­strate there is resolve to take action where action is nec­es­sary”.
Mr Beese added that even in sit­u­a­tions where ArmorGroup had itself raised con­cerns about the actions of some of its employ­ees, it had found great dif­fi­culty get­ting the author­i­ties to act. 

Jane’s:

US Army Colonel Peter Mansoor, an influ­en­tial mil­i­tary thinker on counter-insurgency and a vet­eran of the Iraq war, told Jane’s in a recent inter­view that the US mil­i­tary needs to take “a real hard look at secu­rity con­trac­tors on future bat­tle­fields and fig­ure out a way to get a han­dle on them so that they can be bet­ter inte­grated — if we’re going to allow them to be used in the first place”.

Contractors Squirm Under Soldiers’ Justice?

Monday, January 8th, 2007

psd_iraq.jpgThe Boston Globe and Defense News have picked up on Peter Singer’s scoop — that mil­i­tary con­trac­tors are now going to be sub­ject to sol­diers’ jus­tice.
Neither the Globe nor Defense News could find any big defense con­trac­tor to com­ment on the five-word change to the law, spear­headed by Senator Lindsey Graham, a South Carolina Republican and for­mer JAG. But they’ve caught the legal and pri­vate mil­i­tary inter­est groups squirm­ing.
Stan Soloway, pres­i­dent of the Professional Services Council, an orga­ni­za­tion that rep­re­sents gov­ern­ment con­trac­tors, tells Defense News that “one result [of the rule change] may be that con­trac­tors now can be pun­ished for actions not ordi­nar­ily pros­e­cutable under U.S. law.”

The UCMJs “behav­ioral require­ments are very dif­fer­ent and poten­tially in con­flict with con­tract law and crim­i­nal law,” Soloway said…
Civilian con­trac­tors now might be pun­ished for dis­re­spect­ing an offi­cer, dis­re­gard­ing an order or com­mit­ting adul­tery actions that are not pros­e­cutable under U.S. law, Soloway said.
“If a gen­eral or colonel directs a con­trac­tor or gov­ern­ment civil­ian to do some­thing that is out­side terms of con­tract, under U.S. pro­cure­ment law, the con­trac­tor does not do it with­out author­ity from the con­tract­ing offi­cer,” Soloway said. But under the UCMJ, “that might be fail­ure to fol­low an order.”

“I think there should have been some kind of hear­ing before Congress passed this mea­sure,” Eugene R. Fidell, pres­i­dent of the National Institute of Military Justice, tells the Globe.

“Ultimately, if this power is used, it will cre­ate a sub­stan­tial issue that would likely reach the Supreme Court, and it will put us at odds with con­tem­po­rary inter­na­tional stan­dards.”
Fidell said that US courts have a his­tory of throw­ing out con­vic­tions of civil­ians who were tried in mil­i­tary courts, includ­ing the 1957 case of a wife who killed her hus­band on a mil­i­tary base.
“There was a period of decades that you could have crimes by US per­sons over­seas that could never be pun­ished,” he said.

Hopefully, that will start to change.

Soldiers’ Justice; Readers React (Updated)

Thursday, January 4th, 2007

Glanz583.jpgIf you haven’t had a chance yet, go check out the com­ments to Peter Singer’s story on the pri­vate mil­i­tary con­trac­tors who will now have to face sol­diers’ jus­tice. A few samples:

My CO had a very inter­est­ing way of mak­ing sure the civil­ian con­trac­tors in his area to behave. Before he came the civil­ian con­trac­tors were act­ing like thugs. My CO in the civil­ian world is a cop. So he got his friends to pull up per­sonal data on the civil­ian con­trac­tors.
He had a meet­ing with them and basi­cally told them if they keep on act­ing the way they did he will make sure their per­sonal infor­ma­tion makes it’s way to the insur­gents and he will per­son­ally hand them over to mem­bers of the Iraqi police that he is fairly cer­tain are mem­bers of the insur­gency.
Funny thing was after that meet­ing the civil­ian con­trac­tors stopped being thugs to the Iraqis.

Posted by: Billy at January 4, 2007 03:21 PM


Good. Exposure to the UCMJ means addi­tional risk, which means more money. I need a raise.
Being sub­ject to the UCMJ will make us immune from Iraqi law under the Status of Forces Agreement (SOFA), just like sol­diers.
Also, the US gov­ern­ment will not turn us over to the International Criminal court (ICC) to be tried for war crimes; real, imag­ined, or con­cocted.
I lived under UCMJ for 22 years. A few more will not make any difference.


Posted by: Thorn… at January 4, 2007 01:39 PM

The British Investigation into the “Elvis” video event released its report before Christmas con­clud­ing that all the footage in the video came from legit­i­mate oper­a­tions. Strange you men­tion the case to sup­port your argu­ment but don’t men­tion the (pre­vi­ous) res­o­lu­tion. Raised major red flags with me about the eni­tire article. 

Posted by: Michael Stora at January 4, 2007 02:48 PM

I am on my 3rd tour, I have seen a con­trac­tor shoot a civil­ian in the head because he protested when the con­trac­tor grabbed his daugh­ters breasts. There was noth­ing that any­one could do about it when re radioed it in we were told to lethim go. This isjust one of dozens of sto­ries and one that I saw myself.


Posted by: WKean at January 4, 2007 01:49 PM
Kevin Drum, ROFASIX, Hilzoy, MountainRunner, the Columbia Journalism Review, and my man Blackfive all have inter­est­ing takes, too. Give ‘em a read.
UPDATE 01/05/06 6:15 PM: P.W. Singer “refute[s] a few of the most insane/stupid posts” respond­ing to his story.
UPDATE 01/05/06 11:30 AM: Pat Dollard sends as an inter­est­ing take on the rule changes from one mil­i­tary offi­cer. Check it out after the jump.

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Guns-for-Hire Accused of Gitmo Abuse

Thursday, January 4th, 2007

mercenaries5.jpgd9qimh.jpgWaPo: “New alle­ga­tions of detainee abuse at Guantanamo Bay released by the FBI on Tuesday put pri­vate con­trac­tors at the cen­ter of inter­ro­ga­tion oper­a­tions, rais­ing ques­tions once again about where they fit in the military’s chain of com­mand.”

Contractors have tra­di­tion­ally not been sub­ject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, the body of laws that gov­erns the behav­ior of sol­diers. Other laws apply to con­trac­tors, but many remain untested.
“You have two dif­fer­ent types of peo­ple oper­at­ing under dif­fer­ent sets of rules,” said Scott L. Silliman, exec­u­tive direc­tor of the cen­ter on law, ethics and national secu­rity at Duke University.

The Law Catches Up To Private Militaries, Embeds

Wednesday, January 3rd, 2007

Since the start of the Iraq war, tens of thou­sands of heavily-armed mil­i­tary con­trac­tors have been roam­ing the coun­try — with­out any law, or any court to con­trol them. That may be about to change, Brookings Institution Senior Fellow P.W. Singer notes in a Defense Tech exclu­sive. Five words, slipped into a Pentagon bud­get bill, could make all the dif­fer­ence. With them, “con­trac­tors ‘get out of jail free’ cards may have been torn to shreds,” he writes. They’re now sub­ject to the Uniform Code of Military Justice, the same set of laws that gov­erns sol­diers. But here’s the catch: embed­ded reporters are now under those reg­u­la­tions, too.
merc_iraq.jpgOver the last few years, tales of pri­vate mil­i­tary con­trac­tors run amuck in Iraq — from the CACI inter­roga­tors at Abu Ghraib to the Aegis company’s Elvis-themed inter­net “tro­phy video” — have con­tin­u­ally popped up in the head­lines. Unfortunately, when it came to actu­ally doing some­thing about these episodes of Outsourcing Gone Wild, Hollywood took more action than Washington. The TV series Law and Order pun­ished fic­tional con­trac­tor crimes, while our courts ignored the actual ones. Leonardo Dicaprio acted in a movie fea­tur­ing the pri­vate mil­i­tary indus­try, while our gov­ern­ment enacted no actual pol­icy on it. But those care­free days of mil­i­tary con­trac­tors romp­ing across the hills and dales of the Iraqi coun­try­side, with­out legal sta­tus or account­abil­ity, may be over. The Congress has struck back.
Amidst all the add-ins, pork spend­ing, and excite­ment of the bud­get process, it has now come out that a tiny clause was slipped into the Pentagon’s fis­cal year 2007 bud­get leg­is­la­tion. The one sen­tence sec­tion (num­ber 552 of a total 3510 sec­tions) states that “Paragraph (10) of sec­tion 802(a) of title 10, United States Code (arti­cle 2(a) of the Uniform Code of Military Justice), is amended by strik­ing ‘war’ and insert­ing ‘declared war or a con­tin­gency oper­a­tion’.” The mea­sure passed with­out much notice or any debate. And then, as they might sing on School House Rock, that bill became a law (P.L.109–364).
The addi­tion of five lit­tle words to a mas­sive US legal code that fills entire shelves at law libraries wouldn’t nor­mally mat­ter for much. But with this change, con­trac­tors’ ‘get out of jail free’ card may have been torn to shreds. Previously, con­trac­tors would only fall under the Uniform Code of Military Justice, bet­ter known as the court mar­tial sys­tem, if Congress declared war. This is some­thing that has not hap­pened in over 65 years and out of sorts with the most likely oper­a­tions in the 21st cen­tury. The result is that when­ever our mil­i­tary offi­cers came across episodes of sus­pected con­trac­tor crimes in mis­sions like Bosnia, Kosovo, Iraq, or Afghanistan, they had no tools to resolve them. As long as Congress had not for­mally declared war, civil­ians — even those work­ing for the US armed forces, car­ry­ing out mil­i­tary mis­sions in a con­flict zone — fell out­side their juris­dic­tion. The military’s rela­tion­ship with the con­trac­tor was, well, merely con­trac­tual. At most, the local offi­cer in charge could request to the employ­ing firm that the indi­vid­ual be demoted or fired. If he thought a felony occurred, the offi­cer might be able to report them on to civil­ian author­i­ties.
Getting tat­tled on to the boss is cer­tainly fine for some inci­dents. But, clearly, it’s not how one deals with sus­pected crimes. And it’s nowhere near the proper response to the amaz­ing, awful sto­ries that have made the head­lines (the most recent being the con­trac­tors who sprung a for­mer Iraqi gov­ern­ment min­is­ter, impris­oned on cor­rup­tion charges, from a Green Zone jail).
And for every story that has been deemed news­wor­thy, there are dozens that never see the spot­light. One US army offi­cer recently told me of an inci­dent he wit­nessed, where a con­trac­tor shot a young Iraqi who got too close to his vehi­cle while in line at the Green Zone entrance. The boy was wait­ing there to apply for a job. Not merely a tragedy, but one more nail in the cof­fin for any US effort at win­ning hearts and minds.
But when such inci­dents hap­pen, offi­cers like him have had no recourse other than to file reports that are sup­posed to be sent on either to the local gov­ern­ment or the US Department of Justice, nei­ther of which had tra­di­tion­ally done much. The local gov­ern­ment is often failed or too weak to act — the very rea­son we are still in Iraq. And our Department of Justice has treated con­trac­tor crimes in a more Shakespearean than Hollywood way, as in Much Ado About Nothing. Last month, DOJ reported to Congress that it has sat on over 20 inves­ti­ga­tions of sus­pected con­trac­tor crimes with­out action in the last year.
The prob­lem is not merely one of a lack of polit­i­cal will on the part of the Administration to deal with such crimes. Contractors have also fallen through a gap in the law. The roles and num­bers of mil­i­tary con­trac­tors are far greater than in the past, but the legal sys­tem hasn’t caught up. Even in sit­u­a­tions when US civil­ian law could poten­tially have been applied to con­trac­tor crimes (through the Military Extraterritorial Jurisdiction Act), it wasn’t. Underlying the pre­vi­ous laws like MEJA was the assump­tion that civil­ian pros­e­cu­tors back in the US would be able to make deter­mi­na­tions of what is proper and improper behav­ior in con­flicts, go gather evi­dence, carry out depo­si­tions in the mid­dle of war­zones, and then be will­ing and able to pros­e­cute them to juries back home. The real­ity is that no US Attorney likes to waste lim­ited bud­gets on such messy, com­plex cases 9,000 miles out­side their dis­trict, even if they were for­tu­nate enough to have the evi­dence at hand. The only time MEJA has been suc­cess­fully applied was against the wife of a sol­dier, who stabbed him dur­ing a domes­tic dis­pute at a US base in Turkey. Not one con­trac­tor of the entire mil­i­tary indus­try in Iraq has been charged with any crime over the last 3 and a half years, let alone pros­e­cuted or pun­ished. Given the raw num­bers of con­trac­tors, let alone the inci­dents we know about, it bog­gles the mind.
The sit­u­a­tion per­haps hit its low-point this fall, when the Under Secretary of the Army tes­ti­fied to Congress that the Army had never autho­rized Halliburton or any of its sub­con­trac­tors (essen­tially the entire indus­try) to carry weapons or guard con­voys. He even denied the US had firms han­dling these jobs. Never mind the thou­sands of news­pa­per, mag­a­zine, and TV news sto­ries about the indus­try. Never mind Google’s 1,350,000 web men­tions. Never mind the offi­cial report from U.S. Central Command that there were over 100,000 con­trac­tors in Iraq car­ry­ing out these and other mil­i­tary roles. In a sense, the Bush Administration was using a cop-out that all but the worst Hollywood script writ­ers avoid. Just like the end of the TV series Dallas, Congress was some­how sup­posed to accept that the pri­vate mil­i­tary indus­try in Iraq and all that had hap­pened with it was some­how ‘just a dream.’
But Congress didn’t bite, it now seems. With the addi­tion of just five words in the law, con­trac­tors now can fall under the purview of the mil­i­tary jus­tice sys­tem. This means that if con­trac­tors vio­late the rules of engage­ment in a war­zone or com­mit crimes dur­ing a con­tin­gency oper­a­tion like Iraq, they can now be court-martialed (as in, Corporate Warriors, meet A Few Good Men). On face value, this appears to be a step for­ward for real­is­tic account­abil­ity. Military con­trac­tor con­duct can now be checked by the mil­i­tary inves­ti­ga­tion and court sys­tem, which unlike civil­ian courts, is actu­ally ready and able both to under­stand the pecu­liar­i­ties of life and work in a war­zone and kick into action when things go wrong.

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